Lịch sử category – Page 3 sur 46

Before becoming the Mekong Delta of Vietnam, this territory belonged to the kingdom of Funan for seven centuries at the beginning of the Christian era. Then it was taken back and included in the Angkorian empire at the beginning of the 8th century before being ceded to the lord of the Nguyễn at the beginning of the 17th century by the Khmer kings. It is a region irrigated by a network of canals and rivers that fertilize its plains through alluvial deposits over the centuries, thus promoting orchard cultivation. The Mekong perpetually pits the native of its delta against it, much like the Nile does with its fellah in Egypt. It has succeeded in building a « southern » identity for him and granting him a culture, the one the Vietnamese commonly call « Văn hóa miệt vườn (orchard culture). » Beyond his kindness, courtesy, and hospitality, the native of this delta shows a deep attachment to nature and the environment.

With simplicity and modesty in the way of life, he places great importance on wisdom and virtue in the education of his children. This is the particular character of this son of the Mekong, that of the people of South Vietnam who were born on land steeped in Theravada Buddhism at the beginning of the Christian era and who come from the mixing of several peoples—Vietnamese, Chinese, Khmer, and Cham—over the past two centuries. It is not surprising to hear strange expressions where there is a mixture of Chinese, Khmer, and Vietnamese words.

This is the case with the following expression:

Sáng say, Chiều xỉn, Tối xà quần

to say that one is drunk in the morning, in the afternoon, and in the evening. The Vietnamese, the Chinese, and the Cambodians respectively use say, xỉn, xà quần in their language to signify the same word « drunk. » The same glass of wine can be drunk at all times of the day and shared with pleasure and brotherhood by the three peoples.

The native of the Mekong Delta easily accepts all cultures and ideas with tolerance. Despite this, he must shape this delta over the centuries with sweat, transforming a land that was until then uncultivated and sparsely populated into a land rich in citrus orchards and fruits, and especially into a rice granary. This does not contradict what the French geographer Pierre Gourou, a specialist in the rural world of Indochina, wrote in his work on the peasants of the delta (1936):

It is the most important geographical fact of the delta. They manage to shape the land of their delta through their labor.

Before becoming the Mesopotamia of Vietnam, the Mekong Delta was a vast expanse of forests, swamps, and islets. It was an apparently inhospitable environment teeming with various forms of life and wild animals (crocodiles, snakes, tigers, etc.). This is the case in the far south of Cà Mau province, where today lies the world’s second-largest mangrove forest. That is why the difficulties faced by the first Vietnamese settlers are still recounted in popular songs.

Muỗi kêu như sáo thổi
Đỉa lội như bánh canh
Cỏ mọc thành tinh
Rắn đồng biết gáy.

The buzzing of mosquitoes resembles the sound of a flute,
leeches swim on the water’s surface like noodles floating in soup,
wild grasses grow like little elves,
field snakes know how to hiss.

Lên rừng xỉa răng cọp, xuống bãi hốt trứng sấu

Going up the forest to pick tiger teeth, going down to the shore to collect crocodile eggs

This describes the adventure of people daring to venture perilously into the forest to face tigers and descend into the river to gather crocodile egg clutches. Despite their bravery, danger continues to lurk and sometimes sends shivers down their spines, so much so that the song of a bird or the sound of water caused by the movement of a fish, amplified by the boat’s motion, startles them in an inhospitable environment full of dangers.

During the monsoon season, in some flooded corners of the delta, they do not have the opportunity to set foot on land and must bury their loved ones by hanging the coffins in the trees while waiting for the water to recede or even in the water itself, so that nature can take its course, as recounted in the moving stories reported by the famous novelist Sơn Nam in his bestseller « Hương Rừng Cà Mau. »

Here comes the strange land
Even the bird’s call is fearful, even the fish’s movement is scary.

It is here that, day and night, the swarm of hungry mosquitoes is visible in the sky. That is why it is customary to say in a popular song:

Tới đây xứ sở lạ lùng
Con chim kêu cũng sợ, con cá vùng cũng ghê.

Cà Mau is a rustic land,
mosquitoes as big as hens, tigers as big as buffaloes.

Cà Mau is a rural region. The mosquitoes are as large as hens and the tigers are comparable to buffaloes.

Courage and tenacity are among the qualities of these delta natives as they strive to find a better life in an ungrateful environment. The great Vĩnh Tế canal, more than 100 km long, dating back to the early 19th century, bears witness to a colossal project that the ancestors of these delta natives managed to accomplish over five years (1819-1824) to desalinate the land and connect the Bassac branch of the Mekong (Châu Ðốc) to the Hà Tiên estuary (Gulf of Siam) under the direction of Governor Thoại Ngọc Hầu. More than 70,000 Vietnamese, Cham, and Khmer subjects were mobilized and forcibly enlisted in this endeavor. Many people had to perish there.

On one of the 9 dynastic urns arranged in front of the temple for the worship of the kings of the Nguyễn dynasty (Thế Miếu) in Huế, there is an inscription recounting the excavation work of the Vĩnh Tế canal with gratitude from Emperor Minh Mạng to the ancestors of the natives of the Mekong. Vĩnh Tế is the name of Thoại Ngọc Hầu’s wife, whom Emperor Minh Mạng chose to recognize her merit for courageously helping her husband in the construction of this canal. She passed away two years before the completion of this work.

The delta was at one time the starting point for the exodus of boat people after the fall of the Saigon government (1975). Some perished on the journey without any knowledge of navigation. Others who failed to leave were captured by the communist authorities and sent to re-education camps. The harshness of life does not prevent the natives of the Mekong from being happy in their environment. They continue to maintain their hospitality and hope to one day find a better life. Over the centuries, they have forged an unparalleled determination and community spirit in search of fertile land and a space of freedom. Speaking of these people of the delta, one can recall the phrase of the writer Sơn Nam at the end of his book titled « Tiếp Cận với đồng bằng sông Cửu Long » (In Contact with the Mekong Delta): No one loves this delta more than we do. We accept paying the price for it.

It is in this delta that one finds today all the charming facets of the Mekong (the sun, the smile, the exoticism, the hospitality, the conical hat silhouettes, the sampans, the floating markets, the stilt houses, an abundant variety of tropical fruits, cage fish farming, floating rice, local specialties, etc.). This is reflected in the following proverb:

Ðất cũ đãi người mới
The old land welcomes the newcomers.

At the time of the country’s reunification in 1975, the Vietnamese government settled more than 500,000 farmers from the North and Central Vietnam in the labyrinth of this delta. Fed by rich alluvium, it is highly fertile. Today, it has become the economic lung of the country and a boon for the 18 million people in the region. It is said that it alone could feed all of Vietnam.

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Bronze drums (Part 3,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Lịch sử, Traditions, Vietnam octobre 19, 2025novembre 5, 2025

Who are the Dongsonians?

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Version vietnamienne

It is very important to know them because we know they were the owners of these bronze drums. Are they the ancestors of the current Vietnamese? Very little is known about these people and their culture because the research started in the early 20th century by the French was interrupted during the long years of war that Vietnam experienced. However, it is certain that in the 1st century AD, the Dongsonian culture ended with the Chinese annexation.

It was only from 1980 that archaeological excavations resumed. We began to better understand their origin, way of life, and sphere of influence. Thanks to the exceptionally enriched archaeological documentation in recent years, the origin of the Dongsonian culture has been fairly clarified. This culture has its roots among the pre-Dongsonian cultures (those of Phùng Nguyên, Ðồng Dậu, and Gò Mun). There is no need to look so far north or west for the origin of this culture. The Dongsonian culture is actually the result of a succession of stages corresponding to these three cultures mentioned above in a continuous cultural development. The eminent Vietnamese archaeologist Hà Văn Tấn was right to solemnly say: To search for the origins of the Dongsonian culture in the North or West, as several researchers did in the past, is to put forward a hypothesis without scientific basis.

Thanks to the distribution maps of archaeological sites in the Red River basin, it is evident that the pre-Dongson Bronze Age cultures occupied exactly the same region where the sites of the Phùng Nguyên culture were located. It can be said without hesitation that the Đông Sơn culture extends from Hoàng Liên Sơn province in the north to Bình Trị Thiên province in the south.

The Dongsonians were above all skilled rice farmers. They cultivated rice using slash-and-burn methods and flooded fields. They raised buffaloes and pigs. But it was water that was both their wealth and their primary concern because it could be deadly, overflowing from the Red River to engulf crops. They were daring navigators, so close to rivers and coasts that they were accustomed to using dugout canoes for their movements. This custom was so deeply ingrained in their minds that they built their homes as wooden stilt houses with immense roofs curved at both ends, decorated with totemic birds and resembling a dugout canoe.

Even in their death, they designed coffins shaped like canoes. According to Trịnh Cao Tường, a specialist in the study of communal houses (đình) of Vietnamese villages, the architecture of the Vietnamese communal house elevated on stilts reflects the echo of the spirit of the Dongsonians still present in the daily life of the Vietnamese.

The Dongsonians used to tattoo their bodies, chew a preparation made from areca nuts, and blacken their teeth. Tattooing, often described as a « barbaric » practice in Chinese annals, was, according to Vietnamese texts, intended to protect people from attacks by water dragons (con thuồng luồng).

The habit of chewing betel is very ancient in Vietnam. It existed long before the Chinese conquest. When mentioning the blackening of teeth, one cannot forget the famous phrase spoken by Emperor Quang Trung before the liberation of the capital « Thăng Long, » occupied by the Qing: « Đánh để được giữ răng đen. » Fight the Chinese to liberate the city and to keep the teeth blackened. This clearly shows his political will to perpetuate Vietnamese culture, particularly that of the Dongsonians.

They wore their hair long in a bun and supported by a turban. According to some Vietnamese texts, they had short hair to facilitate their movement in the mountain forests. Their clothing was made from plant fibers. During recent excavations of the Làng Cả necropolis (Việt Trì) in 1977 and 1978, it was observed that differences in wealth were pronounced among the Dongsonians in the analysis of funerary furniture. Opulence is visible in certain individual tombs. Society began to structure itself in a way that revealed the gap between the rich and the poor through funerary furniture. There is no longer any doubt about the increasingly advanced hierarchy in Dongsonian society. It is also found in their military hierarchy: the wearing of metal armor was reserved for the great military chiefs. Lesser chiefs had to make do with leather cuirasses or tree bark coats of armor, similar to those of the Dayak in Borneo, Indonesia.

During recent archaeological excavations, Vietnamese archaeologists are confronted with the burial practices used by the Dongsonians. They employed various modes of burial: interments in pits (mộ huyện đất) with the deceased in a lying or crouching position (Thiệu Dương), burials in dugout coffin boats (mộ thuyền) (Việt Khê, Châu Can, Châu Sơn), burials in bronze jars or inverted drums (mộ vò). ( Đào Thịnh, Vạn Thắng) .

The burial mode in boat-shaped coffins has only been found in certain regions of Northern Vietnam (Hải Phòng, Hải Hưng, Thái Bình, Hà Nam Ninh, and Hà Sơn Bình). The area is very limited compared to the zone of influence of the Đồng Sơn culture. On the other hand, in famous Dong Son sites such as Làng Cả (Vĩnh Phú), Đồng Sơn, Thịệu Dương (Thanh Hoá), Làng Vạc (Nghệ Tĩnh), no burial mode involving boat-shaped coffins has been reported. Some Vietnamese archaeologists like Hà Văn Tấn believe that the coffins had the possibility of being preserved because they were located in a marshy area. This is not the case for other coffins, as they were situated in unfavorable places where water could erase everything over time.

According to Vietnamese archaeologist Hà Văn Tấn, the marsh area could have been, during the Dong Son period, a swampy region where people lived under conditions similar to those who habitually soaked their skin and skeleton in water throughout their lives and in death. (Sống ngâm da, chết ngâm xương). It is not surprising to find in these people their way of thinking and their method of burying the dead in boat-shaped coffins because for them, from birth to death, the means of transport was always the boat.

Other archaeologists question the disappearance of this custom among the Vietnamese. Why does this burial method continue to be practiced by the Mường, close cousins of today’s Vietnamese? Yet they share the same ancestors. The explanation that can be given is as follows: the diversity of burials clearly shows the « disparate » nature among the Dongsonians. Considered as Indonesians (or Austroasians (Nam Á in Vietnamese)), they are in fact populations of the same culture but remain physically heterogeneous. According to Russian researchers Levin and Cheboksarov, the Indonesians would be a mix of Australoids and Mongoloids. They originated from the fusion of the Luo Yue (Lac Việt), (Australo-Melanesian elements, ancient inhabitants of eastern Indochina who still remained on the continent) and Mongoloid elements probably coming via the Blue River from the borders of Tibet and Yunnan during the Spring and Autumn period (Xuân Thu). It does not appear that physical diversity is accompanied by cultural diversity. At each era, the same tools and customs seem common to all. If there is a difference in the burial method, this can be explained by the lack of resources and forced Sinicization among the Vietnamese. This is not the case for the Mường, who, taking refuge in the most remote corners of the mountains, can perpetuate this custom without any difficulty.

According to archaeologist Hà Văn Tấn, it is possible to find oneself in this hypothesis illustrated by the example of the burial method, which is carried out differently today among the Southern Vietnamese (descendants of a mixture of Vietnamese, Chinese, Chams, and Khmers) and those from the North, even though they come from the same people and the same culture.

It is through picturesque traits that we begin to better understand the Dongsonians during archaeological excavations. There is no longer any doubt about their origin. They belonged to the Hundred Yue or Bai Yue because in them we find everything related to the Bai Yue: tattooing, teeth lacquering, betel chewing, worship of totem animals, stilt houses, use of drums, etc., among the 25 characteristic elements found among the Yue and cited by the British sinologist Joseph Needham. They were designated in Chinese annals by different generic names: Man Di during the Spring and Autumn period, Hundred Yue (or Bai Yue) during the Warring States period (Tam Quôc), Kiao Tche (or Giao Chi in Vietnamese) during the Han (or Chinese) domination.

According to Vietnamese scholar Đào Duy Anh, the name Kiao Tche (Giao Chỉ) given to the Yue peoples in northern Vietnam originally designates the territories occupied by the Yue who worship the kiao long (giao long) (crocodile-dragon), kiao and tche meaning respectively dragon and territory.

This hypothesis was adopted and supported by Vietnamese archaeologists Hà Văn Tấn and Trần Quốc Vượng. This crocodile-dragon, a totemic animal of the Dongsonians, is found in funerary artifacts: axes, spears, armor plates, and thạp vases (for example, Đào Thịnh). It is from this multiple mixture of Dongsonians with other ethnic groups from Si Ngeou (Tây Âu), ancestors of the Tày, Nùng, Choang, and close relatives of the Thai in the mountainous regions of Kouang Si (Guangxi) and Northern Vietnam at the beginning of the Iron Age (3rd century BC, Âu Lạc period) that today’s Vietnamese originate.

The territory of the Hundred Yue is so vast that it forms an inverted triangle with the Yangtze River (Dương Tử Giang) as the base, Tonkin (Northern Vietnam) as the apex, the regions of Tcho-Kiang (Zhejiang), Fou Kien (Fujian), and Kouang-Tong (Guangdong) on its eastern side, and the regions of Sseu-tchouan (Sichuan), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Kouang Si (Guangxi) on its western side. (Paul Pozner).
Many chiefdoms were established there, and there were no borders hindering the spread and circulation of their traditions, particularly the making and use of bronze drums. This is why it is possible that bronze drums were made at the same time in distinct centers within the territories of the Yue (Vietnam, Yunnan, Guangxi) according to different casting techniques (lost-wax casting in Vietnam, mold sections in Yunnan) and according to the availability of local mining resources.

In the analyses of Ðồng Sơn bronzes, it is observed that the percentage of lead is higher than that of tin, which is an exceptional fact in the technology of Dong Son bronze. But it is surprising to find roughly the same lead and tin content in the analysis of the Kur drum bronze in Indonesia. It would have been impossible for the Indonesians of that time to chemically analyze this drum to know the content of each metal. They must have learned from the Dong Son people either directly or indirectly. This strongly supports the hypothesis of the diffusion of metallurgy from the Red River basin starting in Vietnam, unless Dong Son metallurgists were present on their territory at that time.

Moreover, the Dong Son people knew how to seek an appropriate alloy for each type of object they made. This is the case with the weapons found in the Dong Son burial sites, where the lead content is lower and the tin content quite significant, giving them a remarkable degree of hardness. Furthermore, the percentages of metals in the chemical composition of the bronzes from Jinning (Yunnan) are roughly the same as those of ancient Chinese bronzes. (Nguyễn Phước Long: 107). This is not the case with the Dong Son bronzes.

These were local and original products and belonged to the Red River civilization. Living on the edge of the East Sea or South China Sea (Biển Đông), the Dong Son people were close to major trade routes, which allowed for a wide dissemination of their culture and their bronze drums. It was about 2 km from the Vietnamese coast in the Vũng Áng region (Hà Tĩnh) that a Vietnamese fisherman accidentally caught two objects in his net in 2009 in the East Sea: a bronze axe and a spearhead dating from the Đồng Sơn period.

This proves that the Dongsonian people used maritime routes to establish a network of exchanges with all the states bordering the South China Sea (starting from the north, clockwise). In Zhejiang (Triết Giang), during an archaeological excavation at Thượng Mã Sơn (An Cát, Hồ Châu or Huzhou Shi), Chinese archaeologists found an object that was not native to this region and undoubtedly belonged to the Dongsonian civilization. It is a bronze drum similar to the one found in Lãng Ngâm in Bắc Ninh province in Northern Vietnam. (Trịnh Sinh 1997). Then in Canton, in the tomb of King Zhao Mei (Triệu Muội), identified as the second ruler of Nan Yue and known as Nam Việt Vương in Vietnamese, cylindrical situlas with geometric decoration (thạp) were discovered, frequently found in Dongsonian sites in Vietnam. Finally, along the Vietnamese coast (Champa, Chenla), in territories where the Sa Huỳnh culture was present at that time, bronze drums, daggers, and Dongsonian axes were also found in bronze jar burials (mộ vò).

Further inland, on the island (Hòn Rái) of Kiên Giang province, near Phú Quốc island, in the Gulf of Siam, a Đông Sơn bronze drum was discovered in 1984 during the exhumation of bodies, inside which were found axes, spearheads, as well as human bones. We must also not forget the bronze drums found in Thailand, characterized by the three elements copper, lead, and tin, with lead content reaching up to 20% (U. Gueler 1944), which testifies to one of the characteristics of Đông Sơn bronzes (Trinh Sinh: 1989: 43-50). The Đông Sơn civilization developed in a very open environment. In northern Vietnam, the flow of information and objects was facilitated by the Red River, which originates in Yunnan and was considered the river Silk Road between the Dian kingdom and that of the Đông Sơn people. Benefiting from the abundance of mineral deposits in their territory and the proximity to the coasts of the East Sea, they succeeded in developing a spectacular bronze art and imposing a very original and distinctive style through their bronze drums, situlas, and magnificent objects, which probably explains their leadership role in mastering lost-wax casting and facilitating exchanges not only within the Yue territories but also in territories as distant as those.

For the Dongsonians as for the Yue, the bronze drum was not only a common cult heritage that they were supposed to keep carefully but also an emblem of power and rallying beyond their village and ethnic community. The bronze drum, which guaranteed agrarian rites and social cohesion, was made by talented local metallurgists solely to perpetuate their ancestral tradition, never considering that their artistic work could become an object of dispute between the two peoples, Vietnamese and Chinese, one being considered the legitimate heir of the Hundred Yue and supposed to revive the civilization of its ancestors, that of the Bai Yue, and the other, conqueror of the territories of the Bai Yue and supposed to restore to the descendants of the Yue the place they deserve in today’s China. One cannot remain indifferent to the hypothesis defended by the sinologist Charles Higham in his work entitled « The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia« :

The search for origins and changes occurring in the second half of the 1st millennium BCE in the region leads to the overlooking of an important point. These changes taking place in what have become today the south of China and the Red River Delta basin were accomplished by groups exchanging their ideas and goods in response to strong pressure from the north, from powerful and expansionist states (Chu (Sỡ), the Qin (Tần), and the Han (Hán)) who ultimately managed to crush them.

From a historical and cultural perspective, all those descended from the Yue have the right to claim this heritage. But from a logical standpoint, only the Luo Yue (or the Dongsonians) among the Baiyue succeeded in forming a nation and having an autonomous and independent country (Vietnam). This is not the case for the other Yue, who were all sinicized over the centuries during the imperial expansion initiated by the Qin and the Han. No one has the right to contest the Yue character in present-day Vietnamese. This is also the observation made by the French ethnologist Georges Condominas:

Mentioning the Yue is to go back to the origins of Vietnamese identity. (G. Condominas). It is obvious that the paternity of the bronze drums belongs to the Vietnamese, especially since these sacred instruments could carry a message left to them by their ancestors (the Dongsonian people). The inscription engraved on the bronze column of General Ma Yuan is well known: Let this column fall and Giao Chỉ will disappear (Ðồng trụ triệt, Giao Chỉ diệt). Where is this bronze column when we know that Giao Chi (Vietnam) continues to exist today? By closely observing a bronze drum, one notices that it resembles a cut tree trunk. Its tympanum bearing several concentric circles is analogous to the cross-section of the trunk with rings added over the centuries.

Does the bronze drum evoke Ma Yuan’s bronze column? Some scientists believe that the bronze drum is the « tree of life. » This is the case for the Russian scientist N.J. Nikulin from the Moscow Institute of Culture. Relying on the discoveries and suggestions of Vietnamese researchers (such as Lê Văn Lan) about the idea of a « totality » represented by the bronze drum through its depictions, he arrives at the following conclusion: The bronze drum is a representation of the universe: the tympanum (or the plate), symbolizing the celestial and terrestrial world (thiên giới, trần giới), the trunk representing the marine world (thủy quốc), and the base representing the underground world (âm phủ). According to him, there is an intimate relationship between the bronze drum and the mythical narrative of the Mường, close relatives of the present-day Vietnamese.

In the Mường conception of the creation of the universe, the tree of life symbolizes the notion of universal order, as opposed to the chaotic state found at the moment of the world’s creation. The worship of the tree is a very ancient custom of the Vietnamese. The areca palm found in the betel quid (chuyện trầu cau) testifies to this worship. According to historian and archaeologist Bernet Kempers, the bronze drum illustrates a fundamentally monistic (Oneness) vision of the cosmos.

It is this bronze drum that the Han wanted to destroy to seal the fate of the Dongsonians because it was the tree of life symbolizing both their strength and their conception of life. Fortunately, over the centuries, the bronze drum did not disappear, but thanks to the picks and shovels of French and Vietnamese archaeologists, it reappeared splendid and radiant, allowing the descendants of the Dongsonians to rediscover their true history, their origin without being seen as cooked barbarians.

Being a sacred instrument, the bronze drum is more than ever involved in the restoration and testimony of the identity of the Vietnamese people, which was nearly erased many times by the Middle Kingdom throughout its history.

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Bronze drums (Part 2,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Histoire, Vietnam octobre 19, 2025octobre 19, 2025

The star appears in the center of the drums

Bronze drums debates

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Version française

In this important study on bronze drums, he distinguishes 4 main types:

In type I, the bronze drum is of imposing size. It consists of three distinct parts: a conical base, a straight or slightly inclined cylindrical body, and a bulging part (or tang in Vietnamese) that ends at the meeting point of the drumhead with an edge. For Heger type I drums belonging to the last period of the Bronze Age and dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, various motifs (figures, birds, boats, stilt houses) and concentric zones with a raised star in the center with a number of rays appear on the drumhead (Ngọc Lũ, Hoàng Hạ, Sông Ðà, Thựơng Lâm, Quảng Xương, etc.). Its resonating body has 4 pairs of handles.

In type II, the drumhead overhangs its bulging part which, together with its slightly flared straight part towards the bottom, forms the resonating body of the drum. Moreover, it has only two pairs of handles. These drums have been discovered in the habitation area of the Mường ethnic minorities. The drumhead is richly decorated with 4 or 6 toads, even elephants and turtles in relief. These animals are placed counterclockwise. The motifs are so stylized as to become unrecognizable. A large number of drums of this type have been found in Vietnam, in southern China and the Malay Archipelago.

In type III, the drums are always equipped with a plate on which toads are stacked in limited numbers. These amphibians are aligned counterclockwise. There is an elongation of the cylindrical body up to the lower edge without much flaring. The handles are small and elegant. The distribution area of these drums is mainly to the west of the Trường Sơn mountain range, in Thailand, Laos, Myanmar, and Yunnan.

In type IV, these are copies of type I drums. Sometimes there are Chinese characters. They are found in large numbers in Yunnan (China). The plate fits directly onto the body and never overhangs. These drums are generally small in size. The star in the middle of the plate always has twelve rays corresponding to the duodenary cycle (12 earthly branches). They are found in Vietnam in the northern border region among the Lo Lo and Pupe ethnic minorities.

In general, the ornamentation is considered rich in information on the plate (or tympanum), particularly that of type Heger I: warriors armed with crossbows or javelins, humans adorned with bird feathers, musicians playing the khène or handling castanets, women wearing loincloths pounding rice in a mortar, fish, stylized birds, deer, ritual canoe races, funeral rituals, etc.

Regarding the ornamentation found on the drum body, there are significant differences from one drum to another in terms of themes and animal representations. The order of decoration seems arbitrary. It can be observed that many drums have no ornamentation on their bodies. However, this is not the case for the drumheads. The ornamentation with concentric circles presents an identical structure from one drum to another. On the other hand, the figurative character found on the drumheads of the earliest drums (Ngọc Lũ, Hoàng Hạ, Sông Ðà, Cổ Loa, Moulié, etc.) increasingly evolves towards abstraction and geometrization. Despite this, the overall structure, particularly the orientation of the drum, is generally maintained by the presence of a minimal circle of four birds, which gives the drumheads a sacred character and the drums their true raison d’être.

According to Catherine Noppe, curator of the Oriental Collections at the Royal Museum of Mariemont, the Dongson culture was the origin of a number of specific forms recognizable in decoration. In the repertoire of geometric motifs, there are dots, dotted circles, triangles, diamonds, straight lines, and spirals.

The concentric circles and straight lines used to organize the decoration into precise zones (on the drums or vessels) attest to a desire for clarity and readability necessary for the identification of a decoration often abundant, integrating both animals and figures.

In many debates and writings, there is a tendency to focus on dating and ornamentation. Until today, Vietnamese archaeologists believe that Heger’s general classification structure remains valid because, for them, the fundamental criterion to respect is ornamentation. The finer, more complex, and more numerous the motifs visible in the decoration, the easier it is to prove the origin. This is why they concentrate their efforts on details and propose dividing Heger Type I into several subtypes. This is not the case for Chinese archaeologists who find Heger’s classification obsolete since the discovery of a large number of drums in southern China (Yunnan, Guangxi, and Guangdong). Moreover, according to them, originality should be expressed through simplicity in ornamentation and size. Initially divided over Heger’s classification due to regional affinities (between the Chinese supporters from Guangxi and Yunnan), they have managed to unify their viewpoints and now accept Heger’s classification while adding another type which they have called under the name of » Pre Heger-I » since the discovery of several bronze drums (Wanjiaba (Vạn Gia Bá), Yunnan) believed to belong to the « Pre Heger I » type in 1975 and 1976.

They claim that these were earlier than those of Ðồng Sơn (Ngọc Lũ, Sông Ðà (Moulié), Hoàng Hạ, Sông Hồng (Gillet), etc.) based on the radiocarbon dating of funerary objects found at the same time as these drums. For them, the important criteria to consider in determining the antiquity of the drum are as follows: its large face, its trunk being reduced from three to two parts, and its less complex decoration. There is no doubt that the oldest bronze drums originated from Yunnan. Unfortunately, their beliefs have been endorsed neither by the global scientific community nor by Vietnamese archaeologists. According to the latter, the dating of bronze drums could not be based solely on the radiocarbon dating of funerary objects because the margin of error would be too high, around 235 years, based on their experience with a piece of wood from a coffin. But there are other factors that should be taken into consideration. This is the case with the example of the bronze drum found in a burial at Việt Khê. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the tomb was 2480 ± 100 years old before 1950 CE (Common Era) or around 530 BCE (Before the Common Era). However, based on its decorative style, the bronze drum could have been made only between the 3rd and 6th centuries BCE.

Besides radiocarbon dating, there is a total divergence between Chinese and Vietnamese archaeologists in the interpretation of the decoration. This is important as it can help archaeologists identify the ethnic and geographical affiliations since it reflects the spiritual life of the people who invented this drum. Each side tries to provide its own interpretation regarding the stilt bird, the amphibian, and the boat.

The stilt bird:

This flying bird seen on the bronze drum with a long beak and long legs is very familiar to the Vietnamese because it is indeed the heron. It is obvious to see it depicted on the bronze drum as it symbolizes the labor and diligence of the proto-Vietnamese. It is part of their daily life. It is often seen accompanying Vietnamese farmers in the rice fields. It is mentioned many times in their popular poems. Thanks to recent linguistic research, the term Văn Lang used to designate the kingdom of the Hùng kings during the Đông Sơn period is nothing other than the phonetic transcription in Chinese characters of an ancient Austro-Asiatic word: vlang, meaning a large stilt bird. Similarly, the name of the Hùng clan known as « Hồng Bàng » also refers to a stilt bird related to the heron.

For the Chinese, the heron is considered the accompanying bird, after death, of the soul towards immortality (cỡi hạc qui tiên). It is a long tradition to decorate drums with heron motifs in the central plains of China. The spread of this belief first becomes visible in the area of the Chu principality (Sỡ Quốc) and then among other ethnic groups in southern China. This is undoubtedly Chinese influence.

The amphibian

It can be seen on certain bronze drums, particularly those of the Heger I type belonging to the last period of the Bronze Age and dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD (late drums) (or trống muộn Heger I). Chinese archaeologists believe that the small amphibians found on the faces of these drums are frogs used for ornamental purposes without any special meaning. However, for the Vietnamese, the presence of frogs on the drum surface suggests that the drum could be a rain drum because, according to Vietnamese tradition, there is a close kinship between amphibians and Heaven:
Toads and frogs are the uncles of the Lord Heaven
Beware those who mistreat them; they will be punished accordingly.

Their presence can be explained by beliefs common to all peoples of southern Asia: the croaking of amphibians announces the rain essential for the sown fields.

The boat:

For the Chinese, the boat is mentioned to reflect the ancient tradition of the annual ritual race in the Chu kingdom during the Warring States period. This custom aims to honor the memory of the famous poet Qu Yuan (Khuất Nguyên). He committed suicide in 278 BC to denounce the endemic corruption of his time in this kingdom, which was later annexed by the Qin. For the Vietnamese, opinions are divided. Some share the same view as the Chinese, opting for the theme of the « Paddled Boat » because it is more detailed and visible on certain drums (Sông Đà, Miếu Môn, Làng Vạc, etc.), but others continue to think of funerary ceremonies. This is a thesis defended by Goloubew (1929), citing ethnographic examples of the Dayak (Borneo), and has become the dominant thesis today in popular writings.

This custom is still practiced today by the Dayak, who were formerly established on the eastern coast of Indochina. They still believe in the existence, in the middle of the ocean, of a mysterious island where their ancestors enjoy supreme happiness. It is this golden boat (or boat of the dead) that can be seen depicted on the Hoàng Hạ and Ngọc Lữ drums with warriors without paddles, ready to fight the malevolent spirits that threaten them in the afterlife. This mystical theme is essentially based on the funerary cult, an ancient tradition known by the Dayak who, born near the rivers and close to the coasts, should one day return to their distant paradise by taking this ghost boat upon their death.

The Tiwah (lễ chiêu hồn) or the festival of the dead continues to be celebrated to this day by the Dayak of Borneo. The canoe-shaped coffins (mộ thuyền) found in Dong Son burials (Việt Khê for example) are not unrelated to this tradition. It is important to recall that, being dolichocephalic Indonesians (Deniker) (or Austroasiatics), the Dayak Ot-Danom and Olo-ngadju had a hierarchical organization identical to that which still exists among the Mường of the Black River (Sông Ðà), an ethnic minority close to the present-day Vietnamese. The power of their chiefs is considered hereditary.

Besides the Sino-Vietnamese disagreements mentioned above, there remains an important element pitting several theories against each other. It is the star depicted at the center of the drum’s plateau. The number of rays varies from one drum to another. On the Ngọc Lũ drum, there are 14 rays while the Hoàng Hạ drum has two more. As for the Vienna drum, it has only 12 rays. It is unlikely that this central star with multiple rays is a star, as people of that time could not have seen it larger than the one they observed in the sky. There is only one star larger than the others around which scenes of life are arranged in rhythm with the seasons. Could it be anything other than the sun?

In an agrarian society, the sun and rain are needed to fertilize the soil and have good harvests. The French archaeologist M. Colani, who discovered the Hoà Bình culture in 1926, held this view when speaking of a solar cult in Indochina. (7). But this hypothesis was contested by the Australian anthropologist and historian Helmut Loofs-Wissova. He rejects the idea that the inter-radial triangles are passive decorative elements. There is no reason to think of a celestial body, but these triangles should be considered as the product of a differentiation into « quarters. » He went further in his approach by considering that these drums are like regalia (quyền trượng). He explains their dispersion by the desire of local chiefs wishing to have the grace of ritual authority (but not political) located somewhere in northern Vietnam and having the power to give them bronze drums, like the papacy in the West with regalia. This hypothesis cannot be corroborated first by the presence of dotted circles, simple or concentric, found abundantly on the ornaments and weapons of warriors disguised as spirit-men, as these have long been known as heliacal symbols in prehistoric Western art (on Caucasian and Hispanic bronzes).

Moreover, after the annexation of the Giao Chỉ territory by the Chinese, the distribution of bronze drums continued to spread towards Southeast Asia. It seems unthinkable to imagine that there exists in this territory an independent political or religious power without the agreement of the Han (or Chinese). Those who are only the destroyers of bronze drums in the manner of their general Ma Yuan cannot use them as regalia. Although this theory is appealing, it seems less convincing.

According to the beliefs of the Austroasiatic peoples, the drum is not only a sacred instrument but also a living fetish. By designating the drum with the word « trống » in Vietnamese, it is known to be masculine. It is customary to refer to the rooster with the word « gà trống or gà sống. » Similar to the Yue’s knife (Alain Thote), it must be nourished with blood, alcohol, and rice. It is awakened from time to time during ritual ceremonies by strikes of a mallet at the center of its surface, where the sun is depicted symbolizing the driving force of the gift of life. It is also here that its soul and magical power reside.

Being of a yang nature and always accompanied by gongs (of a Yin nature) which the Mường, close cousins of the Vietnamese, consider as a stylized representation of the woman’s chest in ritual festivals, it is charged with protecting not only the village but also the clan or tribe that must demonstrate its legitimacy in possessing it and its ability to maintain it with remarkable regularity. Sometimes its prestige can go beyond its regional sphere, and its capacity for rallying and mobilization is considerable. It can express its wrath through the voice of a female medium (kruu) among the Kantou of the Annamite Range (Trường Sơn), as reported by Yves Goudineau in his article entitled « Bronze Drums and Ceremonial Circumambulations » (BEFEO, Volume 87, no. 2, pp. 553-578).

In northern Vietnam and in Yunnan province, there is a strange custom of getting rid of the bronze drum. Considered a living fetish, the drum is given its birthday (a grand celebration) but it can also be « killed » by piercing the center of its drumhead where the sun is depicted, as this symbolizes the generative force of the gift of life. By destroying it in this way, it is believed that one destroys not only its soul but also the symbol of power of the tribe or clan that owns it and its magical power, in order to prevent later revenge. This also explains the behavior of the Chinese general Ma Yuan during the repression against the Giao Chi. That is why during archaeological excavations in northern Vietnam, drums are sometimes found with the center of the drumhead completely pierced.

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[Bronze drums: Part 3, VA]

Bronze drums (Part 1,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Histoire, Traditions, Vietnam octobre 19, 2025octobre 19, 2025

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Until today, the bronze drums continue to sow discord between the Vietnamese and Chinese scientific communities. For the Vietnamese, the bronze drums are the prodigious and ingenious invention of peasant metallurgists during the time of the Hùng kings, the founding fathers of the Văn Lang kingdom. It was in the Red River delta that the French archaeologist Louis Pajot unearthed several of these drums at Ðồng Sơn (Thanh Hoá province) in 1924, along with other remarkable objects (figurines, ceremonial daggers, axes, ornaments, etc.), thus providing evidence of a highly sophisticated bronze metallurgy and a culture dating back at least 600 years before Christ. The Vietnamese find not only their origin in this re-excavated culture (or Đông Sơn culture) but also the pride of reconnecting with the thread of their history. For the French researcher Jacques Népote, these drums become the national reference of the Vietnamese people. For the Chinese, the bronze drums were invented by the Pu/Liao (Bộc Việt), a Yue ethnic minority from Yunnan (Vân Nam). It is evident that the authorship of this invention belongs to them, aiming to demonstrate the success of the process of mixing and cultural exchange among the ethnic groups of China and to give China the opportunity to create and showcase the fascinating multi-ethnic culture of the Chinese nation.

Despite this bone of contention, the Vietnamese and the Chinese unanimously acknowledge that the area where the first bronze drums were invented encompasses only southern China and northern present-day Vietnam, although a large number of bronze drums have been continuously discovered across a wide geographical area including Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Indonesia, and the eastern Sunda Islands. Despite their dispersion and distribution over a very vast territory, fundamental cultural affinities are noted among populations that at first glance appear very different, some protohistoric and others almost contemporary. Initially, in the Chinese province of Yunnan where the Red River originates, the bronze drum has been attested since the 6th century BCE and continued to be used until the 1st century, just before the annexation of the Dian kingdom (Điền Quốc) by the Han (or Chinese). The bronze chests intended to contain local currency (or cowries), discovered at Shizhaishan (Jinning) and bearing on their upper part a multitude of figures or animals in sacrificial scenes, clearly testify to the indisputable affinities between the Dian kingdom and the Dongsonian culture.

Then among the populations of the Highlands (the Joraï, the Bahnar, or the Hodrung) in Vietnam, the drum cult is found at a recent date. Kept in the communal house built on stilts, the drum is taken down only to call the men to the buffalo sacrifice and funeral ceremonies. The eminent French anthropologist Yves Goudineau described and reported the sacrificial ceremony during his multiple observations among the Kantou of the Annamite Trường Sơn mountain range, a ceremony involving bronze drums (or Lakham) believed to ensure the circularity and progression of the rounds necessary for a cosmogonic refoundation.

These sacred instruments are perceived by the Kantou villagers as the legacy of a transcendence. The presence of these drums is also visible among the Karen of Burma. Finally, further from Vietnam, on the island of Alor (Eastern Sunda), the drum is used as an emblem of power and rank, as currency, as a wedding gift, etc. Here, the drum is known as the « mokko. » Its role is close to that of the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn. Its prototype remains the famous « Moon of Pedjeng » (Bali), whose geometric decoration is close to the Dong Son tradition. This one is gigantic and nearly 2 meters high.

More than 65 citadels spread across the territories of the Bai Yue responded favorably to the call of the uprising led by the Vietnamese heroines Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị. Perhaps this is why, under Chinese domination, the Yue (which included the proto-Vietnamese or the Giao Chi) hid and buried all the bronze drums in the ground for fear of them being confiscated and destroyed by the radical method of Ma Yuan. This could explain the reason for the burial and location of a large number of bronze drums in the territory of the Bai Yue (Bách Việt) (Guangxi (Quảng Tây), Guangdong (Quảng Đông), Hunan (Hồ Nam), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Northern Vietnam (Bắc Bộ Vietnam)) during the conquest of the Qin and Han dynasties. The issuance of the edict by Empress Kao (Lữ Hậu) in 179 BC, stipulating that it was forbidden to deliver plowing instruments to the Yue, is not unrelated to the Yue’s reluctance towards forced assimilation by the Chinese.

In Chinese annals, bronze drums were mentioned with contempt because they belonged to southern barbarians (the Man Di or the Bai Yue). It was only from the Ming dynasty that the Chinese began to speak of them in a less arrogant tone after the Chinese ambassador Trần Lương Trung of the Yuan dynasty (or Mongols (Nguyên triều)) mentioned the drum in his poem entitled « Cảm sự (Resentment) » during his visit to Vietnam under the reign of King Trần Nhân Tôn (1291).

Bóng lòe gươm sắc lòng thêm đắng
Tiếng rộn trống đồng tóc đốm hoa.

The shimmering shadow of the sharp sword makes us more bitter
The tumultuous sound of the bronze drum makes our hair speckled with white.

He was frightened when he thought about the war started by the Vietnamese against the Mongols to the sound of their drum.

On the other hand, in Chinese poems, it is never recognized that the bronze drums are part of the cultural heritage of the Han. It is considered perfectly normal that they are the product of the people of the South (the Yue or the Man). This fact is not doubted many times in Chinese poems, some lines of which are excerpted below:

Ngõa bôi lưu hải khách
Ðồng cổ trại giang thần

Chén sành lưu khách biển
Trống đồng tế thần sông

The earthenware bowl holds back the traveling sailor,
The bronze drum announces the offering to the river spirit.

in the poem « Tiễn khách về Nam (Accompanying the traveler to the South) » by Hứa Hồn.

Thử dạ khả liên giang thượng nguyệt
Di ca đồng cổ bất thăng sầu !

Ðêm nay trăng sáng trên sông
Trống đồng hát rơ cho lòng buồn thương

The moon of this night shimmers on the river
The barbarians’ song to the sound of the drum arouses painful regrets.

in the poem titled « Thành Hà văn dĩ ca » by the famous Chinese poet of the Tang dynasty, Trần Vũ.
In 1924, a villager from Ðồng Sơn (Thanh Hoá) recovered a large number of objects including bronze drums after the soil was eroded by the flow of the Mã river. He sold them to the archaeologist Louis Pajot, who did not hesitate to report this fact to the French School of the Far East (École Française d’Extrême-Orient). They later asked him to be responsible for all excavation work at the Ðồng Sơn site.

But it was in Phủ Lý that the first drum was discovered in 1902. Other identical drums were acquired in 1903 at the Long Ðội Sơn bonzerie and in the village of Ngọc Lữ (Hà Nam province) by the French School of the Far East. During these archaeological excavations begun in 1924 around the Ðồng Sơn hill, it was realized that a strange culture with canoe-tombs was being uncovered.

These are actually boats made from a single piece of wood, sometimes reaching up to 4.5 meters in length, each containing a deceased person surrounded by a whole set of funerary furniture: ornaments, halberds, parade daggers, axes, containers (situlas, vases, tripods), pottery, and musical instruments (bells, small bells). Moreover, in this funerary skiff are objects of quite large dimensions and recognizable: bronze drums, some measuring more than 90 cm in diameter and one meter in height. Their shape is generally very simple: a cylindrical box with a single slightly flared bottom forming the upper part of the drum. On this sounding surface, there is at its center a multi-pointed star which is struck with a mallet. Four double handles are attached to the body and the middle part of the drum to facilitate suspension or transport using metal chains or plant fiber ropes. These drums were cast using a clay mold, into which a bronze and lead alloy was poured.

The Austrian archaeologist Heine-Geldern was the first to propose the name of the Đồng Sơn site for this re-excavated culture. Since then, this culture has been known as « Dongsonian. » However, it is to the Austrian scholar Franz Heger that much credit is due for the classification of these drums. Based on 165 drums obtained through purchases, gifts, or accidental discoveries among bronze workers or ethnic minorities, he managed to accomplish a remarkable classification work that still has a significant influence in the global scientific community today, serving as an essential reference for the study of bronze drums. His work was compiled into two volumes (Alte Metaltrommeln aus Südostasien) published in Leipzig in 1902.

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[Bronze drums: Part 2, VA]
[Bronze drums: Part 3, VA]

Pagoda of Vietnam (VA: Part 1)

j050807 Art, Histoire, Religion, Vietnam octobre 18, 2025novembre 13, 2025

Thân là nguồn sinh diệt, Pháp tính vẫn như xưa

We are subject to the laws of birth and death.

But the nature of the Buddha remains the same over time.

Zen monk Thuần Chân of the Vinitaruci sect (1101)

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Unlike the word Đền (or temple), which refers to the place where a famous person (hero, king, or deity) is venerated, the word « Chùa » (or pagoda) is used solely to indicate the place where Buddha is honored. Before constructing this building, it is essential to carefully examine its location because it needs to be erected in harmony with the surrounding nature. However, unlike pagodas found in China, India, or Cambodia, monumentality and grandeur are not among the selection criteria for this construction. That is why the basic materials used are primarily wood, brick, and tile. The pagoda does not necessarily dominate the surrounding buildings. It can be found in almost every village. Similar to the communal house (or đình), it revives for most Vietnamese people the image of their village and, by extension, that of their homeland. It continues to exert a captivating appeal on them.

It is more visited than the communal house because no hierarchical barrier is visible there. It is absolute equality among humans, the motto preached by Buddha himself for sharing and delivering human suffering. Even in this serious and solemn setting, one sometimes finds classical theater performances (hát bội) in its courtyard. This is not the case with the people’s house (or communal house) where notability must be strictly respected. Hierarchical discrimination is more or less visible. Even the authority of the king (Phép vua thua lệ làng) cannot influence this village custom. That is why the pagoda is closer than ever to the Vietnamese. It is customary to say: Đất vua, Chùa làng, phong cảnh Bụt (The land belongs to the king, the pagoda to the village, the landscape to Buddha) to recall not only the closeness and the privileged and intimate connection of the pagoda with its villagers but also the harmony with nature.

Its role is predominant in the social life of the village, so much so that the pagoda is often mentioned in popular poems:

Ðầu làng có một cây đa,
Cuối làng cây thị, đàng xa ngôi chùa.

There is a banyan tree at the top of the village,
At the other end, there is a golden apple tree, and further away, a pagoda.

Rủ nhau xuống bể mò cua,
Lên non bẻ củi, vào chùa nghe kinh.

Rushing down to the sea to feel for crabs,
Climbing the mountain to gather firewood, entering the pagoda to listen to the sutras.

This shows how deeply attached the Vietnamese are to the sea and the mountain for sustenance and to the pagoda for spiritual nourishment. The pagoda is, in a way, their ideal and spiritual refuge in the face of natural calamities and the uncertainties they often encounter in their daily lives.

Until today, the origin of the word « Chùa » has not yet been clarified. No connection has been found in the etymology of the Chinese word « tự » (pagoda). According to some specialists, its origin should be sought in the Pali word « thupa » or « stupa » written in Sanskrit, because at the beginning of its construction, the Vietnamese pagoda resembled a stupa. Since the Vietnamese are accustomed to shortening the syllabic pronunciation of foreign-imported words, the word « stupa » thus became the word « stu » or « thu, » quickly evolving over the years into the word « chùa. » According to the Vietnamese researcher Hà Văn Tấn, this is only a hypothesis.

As for the word « Chiền » found in the ancient Vietnamese language (tiếng Việt cổ), it is used today in association with the word « Chùa » to refer to pagoda architecture. However, this word « Chiền » was often mentioned alone in the past to designate the pagoda. This is what was found in the poem titled « Chiền vắng âm thanh (deserted pagoda, solitary refuge) » by King Trần Nhân Tôn or that of Nguyễn Trãi « Cảnh ở tự chiền (or Landscape of the pagoda). » For many people, this word « Chiền » originates either from the Pali word « cetiya » or from the Sanskrit word « Caitya » to designate, in any case, the altar of the Buddha.

The construction of the pagoda requires as much time as effort in the preliminary research and exploration of the land. The site must strictly meet a certain number of criteria defined in geomancy because, according to the Vietnamese, this science could exert either a harmful or beneficial influence on the social life of villagers. The monk Khổng Lộ of the Vô Ngôn Thông sect (1016-1094), advisor to the Lý dynasty, had the opportunity to address this subject in one of his poems with the following verse: Tuyển đắc long xà địa khả cư (Choosing the land of dragons and snakes allows for peaceful dwelling) (or the choice of the best land can bring daily comfort in life).

We are used to building the pagoda either on a hill or a mound or on a sufficiently elevated area so that it can overlook the villagers’ homes. That is why the expression « Lên Chùa (or going to the pagoda), » undeniably linked to the topography of the pagoda, is commonly used by Vietnamese people even when the building in question is located on flat ground.

In most pagodas, especially those located in the North of Vietnam, the setting is both serene, mystical, and magnificent. Watercourses, mountains, hills, streams, etc., are always present, sometimes creating breathtaking landscapes due to their harmonious integration with nature. This is the case of the Master’s Pagoda (Chùa Thầy) between mountain and water. It perches on Mount Thầy in Hà Tây province, 20 km from the capital Hanoi.

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Chùa Chiền Việt Nam: Phần 2 (Version vietnamienne)

j050807 Art, Histoire, Religion, Traditions, Vietnam octobre 18, 2025novembre 13, 2025

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Chúng ta tự gọi là « Thầy » vì chính tại đây, nhà sư Từ Đạo Hạnh đã sáng tạo và truyền dạy cho người dân địa phương một loại hình nghệ thuật độc đáo: múa rối nước. Ngoài ra còn có chùa Côn Sơn nằm trên ngọn núi cùng tên, cách Hànội 60km, thuộc tỉnh Hải Dương. Chùa gồm khoảng hai mươi tòa nhà, ẩn mình trong rừng thông, trên đỉnh một cầu thang dài vài trăm bậc. Chính tại đây, sau khi từ giã sự nghiệp chính trị, nhà nhân văn nổi tiếng Nguyễn Trãi đã để lại cho chúng ta một bài thơ khó quên mang tên « Côn Sơn Ca« , trong đó ông mô tả cảnh quan hùng vĩ của ngọn núi này và cố gắng tóm tắt cuộc đời của một người chỉ có thể sống tối đa một trăm năm và người mà mọi người đều tìm kiếm những gì mình mong muốn trước khi cuối cùng trở về với cỏ và bụi. Nhưng ngôi chùa được viếng thăm nhiều nhất vẫn là Chùa Hương. Trên thực tế, đây là một quần thể các công trình được xây dựng trên vách núi.

Nằm cách thủ đô 60 km về phía tây nam, đây là một trong những thánh địa quốc gia được hầu hết người Việt Nam lui tới, cùng với chùa Bà Chúa Xứ (Châu Đốc) gần biên giới Campuchia vào dịp Tết. Ở miền Trung Việt Nam, Chùa Thiên Mụ, nằm đối diện sông Hương, không hề kém phần quyến rũ, trong khi ở phía nam, tại tỉnh Tây Ninh, không xa Sài Gòn, nằm nép mình trên núi Bà Đen (núi Bà Đen), một ngôi chùa cùng tên.

Chỉ riêng tại thủ đô Hà Nội, đã có ít nhất 130 ngôi chùa ở khu vực lân cận. Số lượng chùa cũng nhiều như số làng. Thật khó để liệt kê hết. Tuy nhiên, do sự biến đổi của thời gian và sự tàn phá của chiến tranh, chỉ còn một số ít công trình vẫn giữ được nguyên vẹn phong cách kiến trúc và điêu khắc có từ thời Lý, Trần và Lê.

Đôi khi sự tàn phá của con người là nguyên nhân dẫn đến sự phá hủy một số ngôi chùa nổi tiếng. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Báo Thiên, nơi mà địa điểm đã được nhượng lại cho chính quyền thực dân Pháp để xây dựng nhà thờ Thánh Giuse theo phong cách tân Gothic mà ngày nay có thể được nhìn thấy ở trung tâm thủ đô, không xa Hồ Hoàn Kiếm nổi tiếng (Hà Nội). Nhìn chung, hầu hết các ngôi chùa ngày nay vẫn còn lưu giữ rõ ràng dấu vết của việc trùng tu và tôn tạo dưới thời nhà Nguyễn. Mặt khác, các đồ vật tôn giáo, tượng đá và đồng của họ ít bị thay đổi và vẫn giữ được trạng thái ban đầu qua nhiều thế kỷ. Hơn nữa, khi chúng ta di chuyển vào miền Trung và miền Nam Việt Nam, chúng ta nhận thấy rằng ảnh hưởng của Chăm và Khmer không vắng mặt trong kiến trúc của các ngôi chùa vì những lãnh thổ này trong quá khứ lần lượt thuộc về các vương quốc Champa và Funan.Mặc dù số lượng chùa chiền rất nhiều và quy mô đa dạng, nhưng cách sắp xếp các công trình kiến trúc của chúng vẫn không thay đổi. Điều này dễ dàng nhận ra qua 6 chữ Hán nổi tiếng sau: Nhất, Nhị, Tam, Đinh, Công và Quốc (hay 一, 二, 三, 丁, 工 và 国 trong tiếng Trung). Sự đơn giản thể hiện rõ qua mẫu hình được xác định bởi chữ đầu tiên Nhất, trong đó các công trình kiến trúc nối tiếp nhau thành một hàng ngang duy nhất hướng ra hiên nhà (Tam Quan).

Đây là hình ảnh thường thấy ở hầu hết các ngôi chùa ở các làng quê không có trợ cấp nhà nước hoặc ở Đồng bằng sông Cửu Long ở miền Nam Việt Nam. Chữ thứ hai Nhị có nghĩa là « hai » gợi nhớ đến cách sắp xếp hai hàng ngang song song hướng ra hiên nhà. Ngôi chùa này có ưu điểm là có ít nhất ba cửa phụ và dẫn vào một khoảng sân nơi thảm thực vật tươi tốt và hiện diện khắp nơi nhờ những bụi cây rậm rạp và hoa trồng trong chậu. Đôi khi chúng ta thấy mình đang ở giữa một ao sen và súng, không khỏi gợi nhớ đến sự thanh bình hòa hợp với thiên nhiên. Với chữ Tam thứ ba, có ba hàng ngang song song thường được nối với nhau ở giữa bằng những cây cầu nhỏ hoặc một hành lang. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Kim Liên (Hà Nội) và chùa Tây Phương (Hà Tây). Hàng đầu tiên tương ứng với một nhóm các tòa nhà, tòa nhà đầu tiên thường được gọi là « tiền đường ». Đôi khi được gọi bằng tên tiếng Việt là « bái đường », tòa nhà này được sử dụng để tiếp đón tất cả các tín đồ. Nó được bảo vệ tại lối vào bởi các vị thần hộ mệnh (hoặc dvàrapalàs hoặc hộ pháp), những người, với những nét mặt đe dọa, mặc áo giáp và trưng bày vũ khí của họ (giáo, mũ sắt, v.v.). Đôi khi, mười vị vua của địa ngục (Thập điện diêm vương hoặc Yamas) ngồi trên ngai vàng bên cạnh phòng trước này, hoặc 18 vị La Hán (Phật La Hán) trong các tư thế khác nhau của họ trong hành lang. Đây là trường hợp của chùa (Chùa Keo), nơi 18 vị La Hán hiện diện trong phòng trước. Đôi khi còn có thần đất hoặc thần bảo vệ tài sản của chùa (Đức Ông).

Một trong những đặc điểm của chùa Việt Nam là sự hiện diện của mẫu thần Mẫu Hạnh (Liễu Hạnh Công Chúa), một trong bốn vị thần được người Việt Nam thờ phụng. Sự tôn kính của bà có thể thấy rõ ở gian trước của chùa Mía (Chùa Mía, Hà Tây). Sau đó, trong một tòa nhà thứ hai cao hơn một chút so với tòa nhà thứ nhất, có những lư hương cũng như tấm bia đá kể lại câu chuyện về ngôi chùa. Đây là lý do tại sao nó được gọi là « nhà thiêu hương ». Cũng ở phía sau của tòa nhà này có một bàn thờ, phía trước có các nhà sư tụng kinh cùng các tín đồ bằng cách đánh một chiếc chuông gỗ (mõ) và một chiếc chuông đồng úp ngược (chông). Đôi khi có thể tìm thấy chuông trong nhóm các tòa nhà này nếu vị trí của tháp chuông (gác chuông) không được quy hoạch bên cạnh (hoặc trên sàn) hiên nhà. Bất kể kích thước của ngôi chùa, phải có ít nhất ba tòa nhà cho hàng đầu tiên này.Sau đó, chúng ta thấy hàng quan trọng nhất của ngôi chùa tương ứng với phòng của các bàn thờ chính (thượng điện). Đây là nơi chúng ta có đền thờ phong phú và có thứ bậc. Nó được phân bổ trên ba bệ. Trên bệ cao nhất dựa vào bức tường phía sau, chúng ta thấy bàn thờ của các vị Phật của Ba Thời Đại (Tam Thế). Trên bàn thờ này, trong khái niệm Phật giáo Màhayàna (Phật Giáo Đại Thừa), xuất hiện ba bức tượng đại diện cho Quá khứ (Quá Khứ), Hiện tại (Hiện tại) và Tương lai (Vị Lai), mỗi bức tượng ngồi trên một tòa sen.

Trên bệ thứ hai, được đặt thấp hơn bệ thứ nhất một chút, là ba bức tượng được gọi là ba hiện hữu, với Đức Phật A Di Đà (Phật A Di Đà) ở giữa, Bồ Tát Quán Thế Âm ở bên trái (Bồ Tát Quan Âm) và Bồ Tát Đại Thế Chí ở bên phải (Bồ Tát Đại Thế Chí). Nhìn chung, Đức Phật A Di Đà có vóc dáng uy nghi hơn hai vị kia. Sự hiện diện của Ngài chứng minh tầm quan trọng của người Việt đối với sự tồn tại của Tịnh Độ trong Phật giáo. Niềm tin này rất phổ biến trong người Việt Nam vì theo họ, có cõi Tây Phương Cực Lạc (Sukhàvati hay Tây Phương Cực Lạc) do Đức Phật Vô Lượng Quang (Amitabha) chủ trì và là nơi dẫn dắt linh hồn người chết. Bằng cách gọi tên ngài, tín đồ có thể đến được cõi này nhờ lời cầu xin ân sủng từ Bồ Tát Quán Thế Âm làm người cầu thay. Theo nhà nghiên cứu Việt Nam Nguyễn Thế Anh, chính nhà sư Thảo Đường được vua Lý Thánh Tôn đưa về nước trong chuyến viễn chinh sang Chiêm Thành (Đồng Dương), người đã đề xuất quá trình giác ngộ này bằng trực giác và làm tê liệt tâm trí bằng cách niệm danh hiệu Đức Phật. Đây cũng là lý do tại sao Phật tử Việt Nam thường nói A Di Đà (Amitabha) thay vì từ « xin chào » khi gặp nhau.

Sơ đồ bố trí nội thất của chùa chữ Công

Cuối cùng, trên bệ cuối cùng, thấp hơn và rộng hơn hai bệ kia, là tượng Phật Thích Ca Mâu Ni, Đức Phật của Hiện Tại, và hai vị đại đệ tử của ngài: Đại Ca Diếp (Kasyapa) và Tôn Giả A Nan (Ananda). Ở một số chùa, có bệ thứ tư mô tả Đức Phật của Tương Lai, Di Lặc, bên phải là Bồ Tát Phổ Hiền Bồ Tát, biểu tượng của sự thực hành, và bên trái là Bồ Tát Văn Thù Sư Lợi, biểu tượng của trí tuệ. Số lượng tượng được trưng bày trên các bệ thờ khác nhau tùy thuộc vào danh tiếng của ngôi chùa. Phần lớn là nhờ vào sự cúng dường của các tín đồ. Đó là trường hợp chùa Mía có 287 bức tượng, chùa Trăm Gian (Hà Tây) có 153 bức tượng, v.v.Hàng cuối cùng của chùa (hay hậu đường) tương ứng với gian sau và có tính chất đa chức năng. Một số chùa dành nơi này làm nơi ở của người tu hành (tăng đường). Một số chùa khác lại dùng làm nơi thờ cúng các bậc hiền tài, anh hùng như Mạc Đĩnh Chi (chùa Dâu) hay Đặng Tiến Đông (chùa Trăm Gian, Hà Tây). Chính vì vậy mà chúng ta thường nói: tiền Phật hậu Thần (trước Phật, sau Thần). Đây là mô hình ngược lại mà chúng ta thường thấy ở đình chùa: Tiền Thần, Hậu Phật. (trước Phật, sau Phật). Đôi khi có gác chuông hoặc lầu Manes dành cho người đã khuất.

Đôi khi, một căn phòng hoặc bàn thờ được dành riêng cho những người đã đầu tư nhiều tiền vào việc xây dựng hoặc bảo trì chùa. Hầu hết những người cúng dường là phụ nữ, những người có ảnh hưởng đáng kể đến các vấn đề của nhà nước. Đây là trường hợp của công chúa Mía, một trong những phi tần của Chúa Trịnh. Một bàn thờ gần với bàn thờ của Đức Phật đã được dành riêng cho bà tại chùa Mía. Trong chùa Bút Tháp, có một phòng dành riêng để tôn kính những người cúng dường nữ như hoàng hậu Trịnh Thị Ngọc Cúc, các công chúa Lê Thị Ngọc Duyên và Trịnh Thị Ngọc Cơ. Đây là những người đã đóng góp tài chính cho việc xây dựng ngôi chùa này vào thế kỷ 17.

Phía sau chùa, người ta có thể tìm thấy một khu vườn với các bảo tháp hoặc một ao súng. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Phát Tích, với sân sau có 32 bảo tháp với kích thước khác nhau trong vườn. Hình dạng của chữ Đinh (丁) đôi khi được tìm thấy trong bố cục bên trong của chùa Việt Nam. Đây là dấu hiệu thứ tư của chu kỳ thập phân được sử dụng trong lịch Trung Quốc. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Nhất Trụ do vua Việt Nam Lê Đại Hành xây dựng tại Hoa Lư (Ninh Bình), cố đô của Việt Nam, và chùa Phúc Lâm (Tuyên Quang) được xây dựng dưới thời nhà Trần (thế kỷ 13-14).

Chữ mà hầu hết các ngôi chùa Việt Nam thường sử dụng trong thiết kế nội thất là chữ Công (工). Bên cạnh các dãy chính được thiết kế tỉ mỉ bên trong chùa, còn có hai hành lang dài nối tiền đường với hậu đường. Điều này tạo thành một khung hình chữ nhật, bao quanh các dãy chính đã được đề cập trước đó trong chữ Tam. Cách sắp xếp này trông giống chữ Công bên trong chùa, nhưng nhìn từ bên ngoài lại giống chữ Quốc (国), với khung được hoàn thiện bởi hai hành lang dài.

[Return RELIGION]

Champa buddhism (VA, Part 3)

j050807 Art, Chămpa, Histoire, Lịch sử, Religion octobre 16, 2025octobre 16, 2025

Vương triều chàm Indrapura

sanctuaire_dongduong
is compared to what we see today at the Champa Sculpture Museum in Da Nang.

French version
Vietnamnese version

Unfortunately, for an unknown reason, its distinctive attributes were broken and confiscated by the office of the Bình Định People’s Committee, which currently oversees the Đồng Dương site. They have not been returned to the Cham Museum in Đà Nẵng to this day, despite the piece being exhibited to the public for a long time. This is why the bronze statue continues to be the subject of various iconographic interpretations. Based on the information provided (the photos) at the time he conducted an in-depth study in 1984, Jean Boisselier thought it represented Tara. For this, he tried to rely on the idols of Đại Hữu, the codification of the deity’s gestures (mudra), the rank in the Buddhist pantheon, the ornamentation of the adornments (nànàlankàravati), the importance of the gaze, and the existence of the third eye to successfully identify the deity.

Some Vietnamese researchers see in this statue the wife Lakshmi of Vishnu because one of its two distinctive attributes includes the conch (con ốc). For the Vietnamese researcher Ngô Văn Doanh, there is no doubt about the identity of this deity. It is indeed Laksmindra-Lokesvara because, for him, each distinctive attribute has a particular meaning. The lotus symbolizes beauty and purity. As for the conch, it symbolizes the propagation of Buddha’s teaching and awakening after the sleep of ignorance.

This is also the hypothesis long accepted by Vietnamese researchers. According to the Thai specialist Nanda Chutiwongs, this magnificent bronze is called Prajnàpàramità (Perfection of Wisdom). But this does not diminish the conviction of most specialists who, like Jean Boisselier, continue to see in this exceptional bronze the alluring goddess Tara, whose heavy breasts remain one of the prominent features found in her early youth. She is always the consort of the bodhisattva Avalokitesvara.

Recently, in the report on archaeology that took place in 2019 in Hanoi, researchers Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh had the opportunity to redefine the name of the bronze statue, Tara, based on the decorative image of the Buddha found in the statue’s hair, the distinctive attributes (the lotus and the conch) in her two hands, as well as the hand gesture. According to these Vietnamese researchers, Tara is the female incarnation of the meditation Buddha Amoghasiddhi, heir of the historical Buddha Shakyamuni in tantric Buddhism (Tibet).

He was often seated under the fan spread by the seven-headed cobra Mucalinda, known as « Effective Success. » In iconography, he often held a sword in his left hand and a significant gesture recognizable under the term « Abhayamudra (or absence of fear) » in his right hand during his meditation.

That is why the decorative image of the small Buddha, corresponding exactly to what is described, is found on the hair of the bronze statue. Moreover, this statue is green in color all over the body. This is also the identity of the dhyani Buddha Amoghasiddhi. If the lotus symbolizes purity, the conch and the gesture of his hand under the conch correspond well to the dharmacakra mudra, setting in motion the wheel of the Dharma law.

According to researchers Trần Kỳ Phương and Nguyễn Thị Tú Anh, the Yunnan region was once a relay zone intended to facilitate the spread of Tibetan religion and art throughout Southeast Asia via the route called the « Tea and Horse Road. » It was also the place where tantric Buddhism was revered by everyone, from the people to the king, and where the production of bronze bodhisattvas Lokesvara and Tara destined for Southeast Asia was extremely important from the 7th or 8th century onward.

That is why the veneration of the bodhisattvas Lokesvara or Tara was not unusual in Chămpa. Until now, no statue of Lokesvara has appeared or been discovered at Đồng Dương, particularly at the Buddhist monastery, because it was here that King Indravarman II erected a temple to venerate his protective Buddha Lokesvara. He even associated his own name with that of the bodhisattva Lokesvara to give this Buddhist site the name Laksmindra-Lokesvara.

That is why there is no doubt about the existence of the statue of Lokesvara. It is an enigma without explanation to this day. According to researcher Trần Kỳ Phương, it is possible that this statue was made of bronze and is the same size as that of Tara. It must have been placed on the altar at the same time as Tara’s when the honor was first given at that time. Perhaps after this glorification in its honor, it was moved elsewhere or buried in the ground because of the war.

In the second enclosure, there is a long waiting hall (or mandapa) (2) that Henri Parmentier called « the hall with windows » in his description. Then, in the third enclosure (3), there is a large pillared hall, about thirty meters long. It is probably the prayer hall of the monks (vihara) where a majestic imposing statue of Buddha sits, to whom the second altar is dedicated, with a base decorated in relief and surrounded by two haloed attendants. This Buddhist site was recognized by the Vietnamese authorities as a national heritage of the country in May 2001. The blinding destruction caused by American bombing during the war years left only one intact gopura tower at this site, which the local population calls « Tháp sáng » (or tower of light) because it is open to the four directions, letting in the light. Despite this, this site continues to revive a glorious past with its great monastery, which was at one time one of the renowned religious intellectual centers in Southeast Asia. It was here that, after his brilliant victory over Champa in 985, the Vietnamese king Lê Đại Hành (or Lê Hoàn) brought back to Vietnam an Indian monk (Thiên Trúc) who was staying at this monastery. In 1069, the great Vietnamese king Lý Thánh Tôn managed to capture a famous Chinese monk, Thảo Đường, here during his victory over Champa. But it was also here in 1301 that the founding king of the Vietnamese Zen school (Phái Trúc Lâm Yên Tử), Trần Nhân Tôn, accompanied by the Vietnamese monk Đại Việt and received by the talented Cham king Jaya Simhavarman III (Chế Mân in Vietnamese), the future husband of Princess Huyền Trân, spent 9 months meditating in this religious center.

For the French researcher Jean Boisselier, Cham sculpture was always closely linked to history. Notable changes have been observed in the development of Cham sculpture, particularly statuary, in connection with historical events, changes of dynasties, or the relations that Champa had with its neighbors (Vietnam or Cambodia). That is why one cannot ignore that a change of dynasty encourages a creative momentum in the development of Cham sculpture, which is distinguished by a new particular style now known under the name « Đồng Dương. »

Phong cách Đồng Dương

This one cannot go unnoticed due to its following facial features: prominent eyebrows connected in a continuous, sinuous line rising up to the hairline, thick lips with the corners turned up, a mustache sometimes mistaken for the upper lip, and a flat nose, wide from the front and aquiline in profile, a narrow forehead, and a short chin. The absence of a smile is noteworthy. This style continued to develop alongside Mahayana Buddhism in other regions of Champa under the reigns of the immediate successors of the Buddhist king Indravarman II. They continued to particularly venerate Avalokitesvara and to adopt Buddhism as the state religion. This is known from royal inscriptions. This is the case with the Ratna-Lokesvara sanctuary, which King Jaya Simhavarman I, the nephew of King Indravarman II, patronized. This sanctuary has been located at Đại Hữu in the Quảng Bình region. In this sacred place, a large number of Buddhist sculptures have been unearthed. Then around Mỹ Đức in the same province of Quảng Bình, a Buddhist complex was discovered with architectural and decorative similarities to those found at Đại Hữu and Đồng Dương.

Buddhist faith is not absent either in Phong Nha, where some caves used as places of worship still retain their imprint over the years. Finally, a temple dedicated to the deity Mahïndra-Lokesvarà was erected in 1914 in Kon Klor (Kontum) by a chief named Mahïndravarman. There were even two pilgrimages organized by a high dignitary on the orders of King Yàvadvipapura (Java) with the aim of deepening the siddhayatra (or mystical knowledge), as reported by the inscriptions of Nhan Biểu dating from 911 AD.

Cham dynasty of Indrapura

Bouddha statue, Thăng Bình, Quảng Nam

854-898     Indravarman II (Dịch-lợi Nhân-đà-la-bạt-ma)
898-903     Jaya Simharvarman I (Xà-da Tăng-gia-bạt-ma)
905-910     Bhadravarman III (Xà-da Ha-la-bạt-ma)
910-960     Indravarman III (Xà-da Nhân-đức-man)
960-971     Jaya Indravarman I (Dịch-lợi Nhân-di-bàn)
971-982     Paramesvara Varman I (Dịch-lợi Bế- Mĩ Thuế)
982-986     Indravarman IV (Dịch-lợi Nhân-đà-la-bạt-ma)
986-988     Lưu Kế Tông
989-997     Vijaya shri Harivarman II (Dịch-lợi Băng-vương-la)
997-1007   Yan Pu Ku Vijaya Shri (Thất-ly Bì-xà-da-bạt-ma)
1007-1010 Harivarman III (Dịch-lợi Ha-lê-bạt-ma)
1010-1018 Paramesvara Varman II (Thi Nặc Bài Ma Diệp)
1020-1030 Vikranta Varman II (Thi Nặc Bài Ma Diệp)
1030-1044 Jaya Simhavarman II (Sạ Đẩu)

This Buddhist faith began to seriously falter in the face of the invasion of the people from the North (the Vietnamese) who had just been freed from Chinese oppression. These, led by the new king Lê Đại Hành, did not hesitate to sack the capital Indrapura in 982 after the Cham king Parameçvaravarman I (Ba Mĩ Thuế) had clumsily and for an unknown reason detained two Vietnamese emissaries Từ Mục and Ngô Tử Canh and openly supported Ngô Tiên, son of the liberator king of the Vietnamese nation, Ngô Quyền, in the power struggle.

Mahayana Buddhism did not allow the Cham kings to find everything they needed in their struggle against the Vietnamese enemies. They began to doubt the wisdom of this religion when it failed to attract the local population until then. It remained the personal religion of choice for the elites and their Cham kings. They preferred to seek their salvation in the worship of their destructive god Shiva in order to better protect their victories and to enable them to resist, more or less, the foreign invaders (Chinese, Mon, Khmer, and Vietnamese) in the creation, maintenance, and survival of their nation.

Their perpetual belligerence, probably inspired by Shaivism, became a strong argument and a legitimate justification first for the Chinese and then for the Vietnamese to carry out military interventions and gradually annex their territory in the march southward (Nam Tiến).

[Return to CHAMPA]

Bibliographic references

Avalokitesvara: name of a bodhisattva representing the infinite compassion of the Buddha.
Bodhisattva: being destined for enlightenment (Bồ tát)
Dharma: moral law (Đạo pháp)
Lokesvara: lord of the world. Designation of a Buddha or Avalokitesvara.
Mandapa: religious building with columns within the temple enclosure.
Tara: the one who saves. Female counterpart of Avalokitesvara. Highly revered in India and Tibet.
Vishnu: God who maintains the world between its creation by Brahma and its destruction by Shiva.

Champa Buddhism (VA: Part 2)

j050807 Art, Chămpa, Histoire, Lịch sử, Religion octobre 16, 2025octobre 16, 2025

Version vietnamienne
Version française

The discovery of a large number of Mahayana elements, particularly statues of the deity Avalokitesvara, the most popular and revered icon of Mahayana Buddhism, undeniably marks the strengthening of its establishment and doctrine in Champa and testifies to the benevolence of the Cham sovereigns. This special royal consideration allowed it to remain a secondary religion, living for several centuries in the shadow of Hinduism, patiently awaiting its time of glory and influence. It was in the 8th and 9th centuries that, after embracing certain countries such as the Khmer Empire and the kingdoms of Srivijaya and Sailendra, Mahayana Buddhism found its full flourishing in accordance with the arrival of the new ruling Bhrgu lineage in the person of Indravarman II. It is also in the Chinese annals (for example, Tân Đường Thư) that the name « Tchan-Tcheng » (or Campapura (Chiêm Thành in Vietnamese)) appeared for the first time, replacing Huanwang (Hoàn Vương), which had until then been linked to the royal lineage of Prathivindravarman of the South (Kauthara) (Nha Trang).
Having transferred the capital to Indrapura (near Hội An) (or Faifo) in the Amaravati region (Quảng Nam and Quảng Ngãi), Indravarman II showed a particular personal inclination towards Mahayana Buddhism despite maintaining Shaivism as the state religion. It cannot be ignored that King Indravarman II had the opportunity to recall in his royal inscriptions that sovereignty over Champa had come to him solely by the favor of destiny and thanks to merits acquired in many previous existences. It seems that through this teaching, he was more or less attached to the doctrine of Buddhism, particularly to the accomplishment of spreading the Dharma, more than any other Cham king who found his salvation in union with Shiva. According to Georges Coedès, he was designated by Vikrântavarman III, who died without offspring, at the request of the great sages of the kingdom. What is remembered about this king is his Buddhist fervor, his extraordinary wisdom, and his unwavering faith in Lokesvara (Lord of the World). In 875, he had an important Buddhist temple erected in his capital Indrapura on the Đồng Dương site, not far from the Mỹ Sơn sanctuary where the national god Shiva Bhadresvara resided, and he entirely dedicated it to his personal god, Laksmindra-Lokesvara.

We also see in the choice of the name of this temple a practice now used by the Cham sovereigns, always associating the name of the protective deity with that of the donor of the establishment. Despite the primary worship of Shiva for his devastating powers and brilliant victories in protecting the kingdom, the veneration of Lokesvara, representing a Buddha or Avalokitesvara (a bodhisattva), symbolizes not only peace and benevolence but also the protection of this deity over the country and its inhabitants, so much so that Hinduism and Buddhism, although different philosophically and religiously, can now coexist in Champa. According to the French archaeologist Henri Parmentier, the Buddhist site Đồng Dương also seems to encompass the king’s residence located at what is today called « ao vuông » (square-shaped pond). It appears that there is a secret water current that can communicate with a well located one kilometer to the east of the site. The construction of this site demonstrates a desire for innovation in grouping many isolated buildings within an imposing architectural achievement where the presence of Chinese and Indian influences is undeniable.
This is what is discovered in the general plan of this site. In its architecture and sculpture, certain aspects of the borrowing from Chinese art can be seen in terms of monumentality and power, while in the composition of the liturgical scenes and narrative panels there is an impeccable fidelity to the decorative conventions found in the temples of western India.

The construction of this site develops along an east-west axis 1300 meters long, with numerous brick buildings spread across three successive enclosures, each controlled by an entrance pavilion guarded by formidable and terrifying stone guardians (dvarapala). According to Henri Parmentier‘s description, it was in the western half of the first enclosure that he found in 1905 the most important sanctuary (1), probably housing the statue of Laksmindra-Lokesvara to whom the site was dedicated in 875 by King Indravarman II. This main sanctuary is preceded by a tower open to the four cardinal points (thap sang) and surrounded by 9 small temples arranged in a well-ordered layout.
For most Vietnamese researchers, the great masterpiece of bronze art that a peasant found by chance in 1978 while looking to collect some bricks in the ruins near the first enclosure, often referred to as Tara (Phật mẫu Tara), is none other than the statue of Laksmindra-Lokesvara (Quan Âm chuẩn đề). It is indeed Avalokitesvara appearing in a feminine form as a Bodhisattva (Bồ tát Quán Thế Âm) because in both hands, at the time of its discovery, a lotus and a conch were found.[Reading more]

[Champa buddhism: Part 3]

Champa Buddhism (VA: Part 1)

j050807 Art, Chămpa, Religion, sculpture, Văn Hóa octobre 16, 2025octobre 16, 2025

Version vietnamienne
Version française

Despite the adoption of Hinduism as the religion by the Cham at the beginning of the creation of their nation, Buddhism did not fail to demonstrate its notable influence among their local elites and leaders. They found in this religion a great number of advantages that allowed them to strengthen not only their legitimacy and power but also an essential touch of divinity in their governance through the notions of dharmaraja (Virtuous King) and cakravartin (Universal Monarch).

Being supposed to embody the power of dharma, they were invested with the sacred mandate to ensure the maintenance of order and religious faith in their kingdom. They were attached to the divine nature that the mission granted them. Similar to the Khmer kings, they gave particular importance to their deification in such a way that their posthumous name included that of the supreme deity with the aim of being equal to Buddha in the form of a Bodhisattva. This is the case of King Indravarman II with his posthumous name « Paramabuddhaloka » (Buddhist title). They thus became « superhumans » among men even if they were not of divine origin. Buddhism soon seduced them and made them adhere to its fundamental aspects: its tolerant spirit, its liberal character, its integration into local culture, and its emphasis on morality.

They brought in religious missionaries via merchant ships because Champa attracted Indian traders very early on. It had long been renowned for its forest products (eaglewood, ivory, spices, etc.). The exact date of the introduction of Buddhism to Champa is not known, but according to Chinese annals, it prospered in 605 AD, when the Chinese army led by General Lieou Fang (Lưu Phương) of the Sui dynasty (nhà Tùy) plundered the Champa capital Điển Xung during the reign of King Cambhuvarman (Phàn Chí in Vietnamese) and took away 1,350 Buddhist texts compiled in 564 volumes after reconquering Tonkin.

The presence of Buddhism should have been noticeable very early in Champa as well as in Vietnam by sea, because according to the Vietnamese scholar Phan Lạc Tuyên, Indian monks came to Vietnam at the beginning of the Christian era based on the story of Chu Đồng Tử, who was initiated into Buddhism during his encounter with an Indian monk. Religious missionaries had to land in Champa before they could reach Giao Chỉ (or Vietnam) and China.

Indrapura dynasty
gardien
Under the leadership of its rulers, Champa very early on promoted the establishment of Buddhism, as it was already mentioned by the famous monk Yijing (Nghĩa Tịnh) upon his return from his maritime journey in the Insulinde as one of the countries in Southeast Asia that held the Buddha’s doctrine in high esteem at the end of the 7th century during the reign of Wu Ze Tian (Vũ Tắc Thiên) of the Tang dynasty (Nhà Đường).

Thanks to archaeological remains found in central Vietnam, it is now known that Mahayana Buddhism (Phật giáo Đại Thừa) took root during the second half of the 7th century and gave rise to unprecedented models of Bodhisattva combining local tradition and stylistic elements from abroad, which have since served as a reference throughout the country.

[Champa buddhism: Part 2]

[Champa buddhism: Part 3]

Pô Nagar shrine (Sanctuaire Pô Nagar): Part 2

j050807 Art, Chămpa, Histoire, Sites touristiques octobre 16, 2025octobre 16, 2025

Thánh Mẫu Thiên Y A Na

The main kalan

French version

With its height of 22.8 meters, this main kalan is one of the tallest towers in Cham architecture. Its style is considered an intermediate style between the Mỹ Sơn A-1 style and that of Bình Định (11th-12th century). It is distinguished by a square base and a tapered three-tiered roof. This roof is so ornate and well-preserved to this day that it is impossible not to appreciate its beauty and splendor despite the visible absence of the crest (kailasa or the residence of Shiva). One of the characteristics of this roof is the presence of stone animals (vahana) (goats on the first tier, geese (hamsa) on the second tier, and elephants on the top tier).

The South temple

Despite the deterioration of its roof over time, it continues to maintain its charm and is a very original and unique model in Cham art. It was built by Senapati (1) Par of King Harivarman with the purpose of creating a temple for the Sandhakalinga (a hermaphrodite linga) and to present together Shiva and Bhagavarti in the form of a mukhalinga, half-god, half-goddess.

To respond to this fusion form of these two masculine and feminine deities, a new architectural adaptation appears through this temple. The building has two parts: the square body attached to the vestibule and the domed roof whose composition recalls those of Hưng Thạnh and Bằng An.

The body of this temple is relatively low and has three false doors adorned with six superimposed spearheads whose size increases towards the back. At the level of its pedestal, there are borders in the shape of lotus flowers. The entire base of this kalan is decorated with lotus petals engraved in squares.

Its vestibule is quite long and has a raised pediment.

Thanks to Cham inscriptions, it is known that the Southeast and Northwest towers were built by the governor of Panduranga and commander-in-chief Senapati Par or Parraun of King Harivarman, one for the deity Sri Maladakuthara (another form of Bhagavati) and the other for Sri Vinayaka (Ganesa)(2). The deity Maladakuthara, called the little goddess (yan pu aneh), was presented as the daughter of the great goddess of Pô Nagar.
Southeast Temple
This is also one of the reasons explaining why the Southeast tower was placed next to Bhagavarti (main kalan) and the Sivalinga (South temple).

Its vestibule is quite long and has a raised pediment.

Southeast Temple

ponagar4

This is also one of the reasons explaining why the Southeast tower was placed next to Bhagavarti (main kalan) and the Sivalinga (South temple).

[Return to CHAMPA]

Bibliographic references.

Les ruines Cham. A la recherche d’une civilisation éteinte. Trần Kỳ Phương. Editeur Thế Giới 1993

Po Nagar de Nha Trang. Anne-Valérie Schweyer. Aséanie 14, Décembre 2004, p. 109-140

Pérégrinations culturelles au Champa. Nguyễn Văn Kự- Ngô Văn Doanh. Editeurs EFEO- Thế Giới Publishers 2005.

Văn Hóa Cổ Chămpa. Ngô Văn Doanh. Editeur Nhà Xuất Bản Văn Hóa Dân Tộc 2002.