Lion dog (Con nghê)

 

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In Vietnamese culture, we are accustomed to confusing the animal « nghê (or lion-dog) » with the qilin (kỳ lân)(*). The « lion-dog » does not actually exist in nature, but it is also not a sacred animal borrowed from other cultures. It is a purely Vietnamese creature dating back to ancient times. The nghê has certain traits of the qilin. The main characteristic that distinguishes the nghê from the qilin lies in the toes: the nghê is armed with claws, while the qilin has hooves. Additionally, the nghê has the body of a dog to conform to the identity and culture of the Vietnamese people. In biological dictionaries, there is no animal named « nghê » or « lion-dog, » but only the lion exists. Before the Han (or Chinese) domination, its existence is not detected. Its formation took place within Vietnamese culture starting from the Han domination period, at the end of the Đồng Sơn period and at the time when the Lý dynasty succeeded in gaining full independence. It was during this period that it appeared in architectural construction projects such as the imperial citadel of Thăng Long, the Dâu and Phật Tích pagodas, communal houses, etc. It is an imaginary creature that has never had a precise appearance or form like a tiger or a lion.

That is why there is variation in the modification of the form of this creature. It is a four-legged animal, hornless, with a slender body, which gives it a resemblance to a guard dog. Its particular characteristic is « guarding and protection. » We are accustomed to saying « the phoenix dances and the lion-dog guards » in a proverb. In the Vietnamese dictionary, « chầu » is used to mean « waiting for orders » and « watching. » This creature possesses the « sacred » element intended to ward off and neutralize evil spirits. That is why the lion-dog (or nghê) is visible everywhere in Vietnamese folklore, from the royal court and pagodas to the village entrance, tombs, and house roofs.

According to fine arts specialist Trần Hậu Yên Thế, this creature has a physiognomy, an idyllic appearance that facilitates the first impression, a familiar characteristic, thus revealing its loyalty like a dog with a short tail.

Historian Lê Văn Lan informs us that at the time of creating the mascot, one must initially be inspired by a real animal. This is how the lion-dog is created from the guard dog, just as the dragon is from the crocodile. Everywhere, in every place, the lion-dog must appear with a particular meaning. The nghê located in the cemetery is different from the one found at the entrance of the communal house.

At the top of the roof of the latter (Đinh Bảng for example), the lion-dog, analogous to a phoenix belonging to the animals of the heavens, watches below the movement of the visitor with the purpose of protecting or punishing them depending on their behavior during the visit. However, on the tops of the two columns at the entrance of the Mông Phụ communal house (Đường Lâm), there are two nghê, each with a joyful and welcoming appearance. As for the crouching nghê in front of the tomb, it appears both compassionate and merciful. This in no way manifests the ferocity and power often found in the Chinese lion. The lamp base in the shape of a crouching « lion-dog » found among the late Đông Sơn culture artifacts functions to radiate a light intended to repel and destroy evil spirits. In front of the village entrance, its presence brings protection to the entire village.

According to fine arts specialist Trần Hậu Yên Thế, during the Lê Trung Hưng period (1428-1788), the « lion-dog » was still present near royal tombs. However, the « nghê » no longer exists in most royal tombs under the Nguyễn dynasty but is replaced by the qilin.

But in everyday life, the lion-dog is always visible in the architectural network of hundreds of villages in the North. Until now, statues of the « lion-dog » in a guarding position continue to be made. The lion-dog appears in various forms. It is very well adapted to the landscape of the place where it is present and reflects the spirit of the Vietnamese people. Depending on each period of history, it presents itself in different and distinctive ways, but the basis of its characteristics continues to carry the Vietnamese folkloric element.


(*) Qilin is the word designating the pair of Feng Shui animals where Qi is the male and Lin is the female.

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Bibliography:

Đinh Hồng Hải: Những biểu tượng đặc trưng trong văn hóa truyền thống Việt Nam.  Tập 3. Các con vật linh. Editions Nhà Xuất Bản thế giới. Hànội 2016
Trần Hậu Yên Thế, Nguyễn Đưc Hoà, Hồ Hữu Long: Phác họa Nghê. Nhà Xuất Bản thế giới.

Turtle (Qui)

 

Turtle (Qui)

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In the treasure trove of Vietnamese mythology, the sea god is often seen transforming into a sea turtle. This giant aquatic species is rare in our country, particularly the softshell turtle of the Red River (sông Hồng), and it is one of the four animals with supernatural power (dragon, unicorn, turtle, phoenix). Compared to the other three animals, the turtle is the only true animal existing in nature. Moreover, it has a longer lifespan and can live for a long time without food. That is why it is synonymous with escaping the hectic life and eternal longevity.

In the spiritual realm, the turtle is considered the symbolic animal of the union of heaven and earth or Yin and Yang. Its abdomen is so flat that it represents the earth (Yin), and its shell represents the dome of the sky (Yang). It is often regarded by the Vietnamese as a sacred quadruped capable of making prophecies and is sanctified in their spirit. They are one of the peoples living close to the rivers and seas of Southeast Asia and in the south of the Yangzi River. This is why the French researcher Jean Przyluski concluded in his studies that one often sees in their legends heroes or sacred forces (or spirits in the form of fish, turtles, reptiles, turtles, etc.) coming from the waters, helping kings to consolidate their nation or resist invaders.

On the other hand, these sacred animals are not found in the legends of the peoples living on the continent such as China or India. This is why the appearance of the turtle is noted two or three times in Vietnamese legends. For the first time, the turtle is mentioned in the book titled « Extraordinary Stories of Lĩnh Nam » by Trần Thế Pháp, written in Han characters and probably published during the Trần dynasty.


After conquering the Văn Lang kingdom of the Hùng kings, Thục Phán decided to take the title An Dương Vương and decided to build the citadel in the Việt Thường territory. But he did not succeed in completing his project because the citadel kept eroding several times. One day, on the surface of the sea, appeared a golden turtle claiming to be the ambassador Thanh Giang. It was able to speak human language fluently and predict the future. The king succeeded in building the citadel after the golden turtle suggested a stratagem to kill the monster Bạch Kê Tinh (a white rooster that managed to transform into a human being after a thousand years). This citadel was quite large and was called « the spiral citadel » because of the presence of nine spirals of earth. Before bidding farewell to the king, the Golden Turtle advised the king to govern with wisdom and virtue as this would prolong his reign. Then it gave him a claw which the king used as the trigger of his crossbow and returned to the sea.

Thanks to this magical weapon, the king managed to keep the citadel and resist the invading army of Zhao Tuo (or Triệu Đà). But An Dương Vương was later a victim of Zhao Tuo’s cunning and lost his kingdom by agreeing to let his daughter Mỵ Nương marry Trọng Thủy, the son of his adversary. The Golden Turtle also helped King Lý Thái Tông reclaim his throne after the death of his father, King Lý Thái Tổ. Upon ascending the throne, Lý Thái Tông soon had to abandon the capital and take refuge in a cave in Tuyên Quang because his younger brothers had revolted to dispute the throne with him. The Golden Turtle appeared in his dream to let him know that it would help him reclaim the throne. After quelling the revolt, the king remembered the turtle’s merit and did not hesitate to grant it the title of « Minh Phúc Đại Vương. » To this day, there still exists a shrine dedicated to this Golden Turtle in the village of Nghiêm Sơn in Tuyên Quang province.

The Golden Turtle was also mentioned during the Ming (or Chinese) invasion at the beginning of the 15th century. A fisherman named Lê Thân once retrieved a sword and gave it to Lê Lợi, the future king of the Later Lê dynasty, during his uprising against the Chinese invaders. After driving out the Ming, King Lê Lợi one day took a dragon boat ride around Tã Vọng lake (known today as the « Lake of the Returned Sword »).

In the middle of the lake, a huge turtle suddenly emerged from the surface of the water. The king found this appearance strange. He ordered his subordinates to slow down the royal boat. The turtle approached him and said in its human voice: « Lord, you must return the sword to me so that I can bring it back to the Dragon King (*). He is the one who gave you this sword to pacify the country. » Just as the king drew his sword, the golden turtle opened its mouth, snatched it with astonishing speed, and immediately disappeared under the water. The golden turtle is still considered in Vietnamese legends as the praetorian guard of the Dragon King, the father of the Vietnamese people, and it is entrusted with protecting the Vietnamese. From that day on, the Tã Vọng lake became Hồ Hoàn Kiếm lake (or the Lake of the Returned Sword).

In popular beliefs, it is common to find a pair of cranes or phoenixes standing on the shells of turtles arranged on each side of the incense burner in temples and communal houses. It is a pair of animals reflecting the role of the harmony between Yin and Yang. In the Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu) in Hanoi, there are 82 turtle statues carrying the steles of laureates on their shells.

It is a way to immortalize the names of people who have obtained the title tiến sĩ (doctorate degree) as well as those of their villages where they were born, because these continue to be honored through generations and years, and they symbolize the strength they possess since they are men of talent and the source of life for the nation. No king thinks of neglecting the recruitment of these talented men because a gushing source is the strength of a country. A drying-up source weakens it.

We are accustomed to considering the turtle as a sacred quadruped. That is why when someone has the chance to encounter it on the path, it is said that they are lucky. It is called by the name « Cụ (Uncle) » to show respect. We pity its fate through the following saying:

Thương thay cái kiếp con rùa
Lên đình đội hạc, xuống đình đội bia.

We keep lamenting the fate of the turtle
Forced to carry cranes in communal houses and steles elsewhere.

Currently, this giant aquatic species has been classified as critically endangered on the IUCN Red List since 2006 and is known by the scientific name « Rafetus swinhoei. » It is a softshell turtle species living in the Yangtze River (China) or the Red River of Vietnam. After the death of the returned sword lake turtle, there are currently 4 individuals, one of which is very old and male living in China, the second (a female confirmed through gene analysis) and the third (under recovery) are in Đồng Mô Lake (Ba Vì), and the last lives in nearby Xuân Khanh Lake (Sơn Tây). The Vietnamese organization responsible for species protection holds hope of successful fertilization if the individual recovered at Đồng Mô or Xuân Khanh Lake is a male; otherwise, this species will become extinct in the future.

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Buddhism under the Dinh Tiên Lê Ly Tran dynasties

 

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Buddhism under the Dinh Tiên Lê Ly Tran dynasties

Once independence was regained, Buddhism began to find a favorable response in the person of King Đinh Tiên Hoàng. He appointed Ngô Chấn Lưu, a disciple of the monk Văn Phong from the Khai Quốc pagoda (Hanoi), as Tăng Thống (Supreme Head of the Buddhist clergy). He awarded him the title of Khuông Việt Đại Sư (Grand Master, supporter of the Việt country) for his participation in state affairs as an advisor. Coming from the school of the Chinese monk Vô Ngôn Không, Ngô Chấn Lưu was renowned for his deep knowledge of the Dhyana (or Thiền) doctrine. Then the Buddhist momentum continued to strengthen with the great King Lê Đại Hành (or Lê Hoàn). During an expedition to Champa in 985, he succeeded in bringing back to his country an Indian monk (Thiên Trúc) who was staying at the Đồng Dương monastery.

It was under the reign of this king that the monks played an important role in Vietnamese political life because they were the sole holders of knowledge. This was the case of the monk Ngô Chấn Lưu, entrusted by King Lê Đại Hành to receive a Chinese diplomatic delegation from the Song dynasty (Tống triều) led by ambassador Li Jiao (or Lý Giác). Upon returning to China, Li Jiao was accompanied by a piece of lyrical song (or từ in Vietnamese) written by the monk Khuông Việt himself (or Ngô Chấn Lưu). Besides the official documents, this piece, titled in Vietnamese Ngọc Lang Quy (or Vương Lang Quy), thus became the first Vietnamese literary work still considered today as a precious and important document not only in Sino-Vietnamese relations but also in Vietnamese literature. We also do not forget the impromptu verbal exchange in sentences by the poet monk Đỗ Thuận, disguised as a sampan rower with Li Jiao.

Seeing two wild geese playing on the crest of the waves, Li Jiao began to sing:

Ngỗng ngỗng hai con ngỗng
Ngữa mặt nhìn trời xa

Wild geese, see these two wild geese!
They raise their heads and turn toward the horizon!

The monk Lạc Thuận did not hesitate to complete the quatrain with the same rhymes while continuing to row:

Nước biếc phô lông trắng
Chèo hồng sóng xanh khua

Their white feathers spread over the bluish waters
Their pink feet, like oars, cut through the blue waves.

The parallelism of ideas and terms and especially the speed of the monk Lạc Thuận’s improvisation impressed the Chinese ambassador with admiration. The latter did not hesitate to address compliments to King Lê Đại Hành by comparing him to his own king in a poem. According to what was reported in Thiền Uyển Tập Anh (Florilegium of the Thiền Garden), before his passing, Khuông Việt wrote a poem entitled « The Wood and the Fire » (Cây và Lửa) intended to teach dhyana to his eminent disciple, the Zen master Đa Bảo:

Trong cây sẵn có lửa
Có lửa lửa lại sinh
Nếu bảo ấy không lửa
Cọ xát làm sao phát sinh?

The wood contains fire in essence
And this fire sometimes is reborn
Why say it does not reside there,
If the fire bursts forth when one drills the wood.

He used this kê (a kind of Buddhist stanza) to imply that the wood represents the person and the fire, the nature of the Buddha (Phật tính) that the person always has in their heart. He thus addressed the problem of life and death by reminding his disciple not to worry about it due to the constant change of nature and leaving him to find his path to awakening through the improvement of his individual efforts. Vietnamese Buddhism found its golden age under the Lý (1009-1225) and Trần (1226-1400) dynasties.

According to researcher Nguyễn Thế Anh, Vietnam was essentially a Buddhist country under these two dynasties, as was the Theravāda kingdom of Ayutthaya. But there is still a visible difference in that this Siamese kingdom continued to read Buddhist texts in Sanskrit and Pali and to consider salvation as the result of efforts made by the individual themselves to attain Buddhahood. As for Vietnamese Buddhism, it accepts borrowing not only Classical Chinese to read these Buddhist texts but also the collective path to salvation.

Before becoming the founder of the Lý dynasty, Lý Công Uẩn (974-1028) began his youth in the Cổ Pháp pagoda where his adoptive father, the monk Khánh Vân, introduced him at the age of 7 to a famous monk, Vạn Hạnh of the Vinitaruci school, who would later become his eminent advisor in domestic politics and diplomacy. Before his death, he left us a kê entitled Thi Đệ Tử (Advice to Disciples):

Thân như bóng chóp có rồi không
Cối xanh tươi thu não nùng
Mặc cuộc thịnh suy đừng sợ hãi
Kià kià ngọn cỏ gió sương đông.

Man’s life is a flash, born and soon gone
Green in spring, the tree sheds its leaves in autumn
Why fear greatness and decline?
Blooming and fading are but dewdrops clinging to a blade of grass

Other monks were as famous as Vạn Hạnh under the Lý dynasty. This is the case of the monk Không Lô (1016-1094) who resided at Hà Trạch pagoda. He was also known for his participation in state affairs as the Master of the Kingdom (Quốc Sư) under the reign of King Lý Nhân Tôn. He is still credited today with the invention of Vietnamese casting. He belonged to both the Vô Ngôn Thông and Thảo Đường schools. Under the Lý dynasty, the preeminence of Buddhism undeniably favored the construction of a large number of pagodas, the most famous of which was the One Pillar Pagoda (Chùa Một Cột). This pagoda was restored several times during its existence. According to researcher Hà Văn Tấn, few pagodas retain their architectural and sculptural style dating from the Lý and Trần dynasties. This same observation was noted by King Lê Thánh Tôn. It was later inscribed on the back of the stele of Chùa Đọi pagoda during his visit: Minh khấu hung tàn, tự dĩ canh (The pagoda was in this bad state because of the cruelty of the Ming soldiers).

Unlike the kings of the Lý dynasty, the kings of the Trần dynasty attempted to unify all religious and local beliefs into a single dominant religion under the aegis of their own religious school, Trúc Lâm (Bamboo Forest). This school was more politically engaged than the dhyana school in China.

According to King Trần Nhân Tôn, founder of the Trúc Lâm school, Buddhism was meant to serve social life as much as religious life (đời và đạo). It is through him that Trúc Lâm Buddhism shows its path and its quintessence in its doctrine. Being a king, he knew how to channel popular fervor and bravely resist two Mongol invasions with his people. Being a father, he knew how to rigorously educate his children, especially his son Trần Thuyên, the future King Trần Anh Tôn. A few years later (1298), he retired to a monastery in Yên Tử to found the Trúc Lâm sect with two other monks. Despite his commitment to serving the nation and social life, Trúc Lâm dhyana Buddhism encountered serious problems as a state religion. The king’s authority could be undermined by the inherent shortcomings of Buddhism: compassion, generosity, amnesty, forgiveness, largesse granted to Buddhist foundations, etc. A Buddhist king could not assert the interests of the state against the precepts of Buddhism because he might fail in his duty by granting grace to his enemy. This was the case of King Lý Thánh Tôn, whom historian Lê Văn Hưu did not hesitate to openly criticize in his work Đại Việt Sử Ký (Historical Records of Great Việt) for the forgiveness granted to the rebel enemy Nùng Trí Cao. For this historian, political order was no longer in force.

Sometimes the largesse granted by the state to pagodas in the form of financial subsidies and land donations made these institutions wealthier than the state itself. Under the Lý dynasty, murders were punished in the same way as ordinary crimes. This did not allow for distinguishing the severity of the punishment but rather caused latent laxity and contempt for the judicial system, as the defendant forgot to weigh the acts they had committed. By claiming to be governed by a higher power, the monks placed themselves only under the authority of their superiors and conformed solely to the laws established by the Buddhist clergy (or vinaya). They were beyond the reach of imperial laws. For this reason, Confucian scholars began to express their concerns about the relaxation of the political and judicial system and the development of chronic rural unrest caused by peasants (such as Nguyễn Bố, Phạm Sư Ôn) and by the Cham offensive led by Chế Bồng Nga during the reign of King Trần Dự Tôn (1342-1369). The court mandarin Trương Hán Siêu, under the reigns of Trần Anh Tôn and Trần Minh Tôn, denounced the growing influence of Buddhist institutions over the rural population. One of the brilliant students of the scholar Chu Văn An, the Confucianist Lê Quát did not spare words in openly denouncing the Buddhist beliefs of all social classes.

The return to Confucian order proved necessary with Hồ Qúi Ly, the usurper of the Trần. He attempted to purify Buddhist doctrine in the year 1396 and implemented stricter control over the structure of Buddhism by appointing laypeople within the Buddhist hierarchy. Monks under the age of fifty were forced to return to civilian life.

The occupation of Vietnam by the Ming (1407-1428) favored the strengthening of Confucianism and bureaucracy as desired by their assimilation policy. Institutional Buddhism lost the protection of the court and its political influence under the Lê. The code of the latter undoubtedly reflected Confucian rigor in punishments to restore not only morality but also imperial authority.

Vietnamese Buddhism continued to decline under the Nguyễn when they aligned with the Qing to adopt a Chinese bureaucratic model at the beginning of the 19th century. Despite this, Buddhism remains a popular religion because, beyond its precepts (generosity, affability, compassion, meditation, etc.), it easily adapts to local customs, traditions, and beliefs.

It is this tolerance that, over the centuries, has made this religion an appealing philosophy that is easily accessible to all Vietnamese.

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The tomb of the patriotic emperor Hàm Nghi

 

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For a long time, I have hoped to one day visit the tomb of the exiled Emperor Hàm Nghi when I knew that he was buried in the commune of Thonac, located in the Dordogne department of the Nouvelle-Aquitaine region. At the end of the week in May 2017, I had the opportunity to be in that area with my children, but I was completely disoriented and saddened when I found his vault. It continues to be ravaged by moss and does not resemble the photo found on the internet. We are all stunned and outraged by the lack of respect towards Hàm Nghi, a young emperor exiled at 18 by the French colonialists and who died in Algiers. Back in Paris, saddened by this story, I also did not have enough time to post the photos of Thonac on my site, especially those of the Château de Losse, whose owner is none other than the eldest daughter of Emperor Hàm Nghi, Princess Như Mây. She bought the castle in 1930 for the sum of 450,000 francs. Due to financial problems, she sold it to a Frenchman, who later transferred it to an English family in 1999. Today, this castle has been classified as a historic monument since 1932. For this reason, the remains of Emperor Hàm Nghi were brought back to France to Thonac during Algeria’s independence in 1965 and were reburied there with his family (his wife, his eldest daughter Như Mây, his only son Minh Đức, and his housekeeper)

When mentioning King Hàm Nghi, one cannot forget to recall his biography. Known as Ưng Lịch, he was the younger brother of King Kiến Phúc. He was placed on the throne by two regents, Nguyễn Văn Tường and Tôn Thất Thuyết, in 1884 when he was 13 years old. Having killed three successive kings—Dục Đức, Hiệp Hoà, and Kiến Phúc—in less than a year, they thought that with Hàm Nghi’s young age, they could easily guide his governance toward a policy aimed at driving the French out of Vietnam. After the failure of the Vietnamese assault against the French garrison of General De Courcy at Mang Cá, King Hàm Nghi was forced to leave the citadel of Huế and took refuge in Quảng Trị in central Vietnam. He was accompanied by Tôn Thất Thuyết and Nguyễn Văn Tường. For an unknown reason, the latter returned to the citadel of Huế. He later tried to explain through his poem in which he acknowledged that he no longer followed Hàm Nghi in the resistance because, for him, it was preferable to serve the state rather than engage in resistance. For the king or for the Vietnamese state, the choice was difficult. He left it to future generations to judge.

Xe giá ngàn trùng lẫy dặm xanh
Lòng tôi riêng luyến chốn lan đình
Phải chăng phó mặc ngàn  sau luận
Vua, nước đôi đường hỏi trọng khinh?

The carriage travels thousands of leagues through the vast green,
My heart alone longs for the place of the orchid pavilion.
Is it perhaps to entrust the judgment to thousands of years hence,
The king and the country, two paths questioning honor and disgrace?

He asked Father Caspar to contact De Courcy to arrange an audience and tried to convince him that he did not participate in the launch of the aborted assault. Pretending to believe him, De Courcy suggested that he write letters urging Hàm Nghi and his supporters to return to the citadel of Huế and set him an ultimatum of two months. After failing to convince Hàm Nghi and Tôn Thất Thuyết, he was first deported to Poulo Condor Island, then to Tahiti to receive treatment for his illness, and finally died in Papeete. As for Tôn Thất Thuyết, he continued to accompany Hàm Nghi in the fight against the French with his children Tôn Thất Đạm and Tôn Thất Thiệp during the four years of resistance. He eventually left for China to seek help from the Qing and died there in exile in 1913.

King Hàm Nghi twice called upon all the vital forces of the nation, especially the scholars, to rise up against the colonial authorities in his name through the movement called « Cần Vương » (Aid to the King) from the North to the South to demand independence. This movement began to find a favorable response among the people. The scale of this movement did not diminish and was visible everywhere, such as in Hà Tĩnh with Phan Đinh Phùng, Đinh Nho Hạnh, in Bình Định with Lê Trung Đình, in Thanh Thủy with Admiral Lê Trực, in Quảng Bình with Nguyễn Phạm Tuân, etc. The name of King Hàm Nghi accidentally became the banner of national independence. Despite the installation of Đồng Khánh on the throne by the French colonial authorities with the approval of the Queen Mother Từ Dũ (mother of Emperor Tự Đức), the insurrection movement continued to endure as long as King Hàm Nghi was still alive. To extinguish the insurrection everywhere, it was necessary to capture Hàm Nghi because he represented the soul of the people while the rebels were part of the body of this people. Once the soul of the people was eliminated, the body disappeared in an obvious way. Between Hàm Nghi and the rebels of the Cần Vương movement, there was always an intermediary who was none other than Tôn Thất Đạm, the son of Tôn Thất Thuyết. Few people had the right to approach Hàm Nghi, who was constantly protected by Tôn Thất Thiệp and a few Muong bodyguards of Trương Quang Ngọc.The latter was known as a local Mường lord living on the banks of the Nai River in Quảng Bình. Hàm Nghi led a difficult and miserable life in the forest during the resistance period.

Because of the betrayal of Trương Quang Ngọc, he was captured in November 1888 and taken back to the citadel of Huế. Silent, he categorically denied being King Hàm Nghi because for him it was an indescribable shame. He continued to remain not only impassive but also mute about his identity in the face of his French captors’ incessant interrogations. Several mandarins were sent to the site to identify whether the young captive in question was indeed King Hàm Nghi or not, but none managed to move him except the old scholar Nguyễn Thuận. Seeing the king who continued to play this charade, he, with tears in his eyes, prostrated himself before him and trembled as he dropped his cane. Faced with the sudden appearance of this scholar, the king forgot the role he had played until then against his captors, helped him up, and knelt before him: « I beg you, my master. » At that moment, he realized he had made a mistake in recognizing him because Nguyễn Thuận had been his tutor when he was still young. He never regretted this gesture because for him, respect for his master came before any other consideration.

Thanks to this recognition, the colonial authorities were certain to capture King Hàm Nghi, which allowed them to pacify Vietnam with the disappearance of the « Cần Vương » movement a few years later. He was then deported to Algeria at the age of 18. He never saw Vietnam again. Even his remains have not been brought back to Vietnam to this day due to his family’s refusal, but they were reburied in the village of Thonac in Sarlat (Dordogne, France) during Algeria’s declaration of independence in 1965 along with his family. During his exile in Algiers, he abandoned all political objectives from 1904, the year of his marriage to a French woman. This was revealed by his niece Amandine Dabat in her work titled « Hàm Nghi, Emperor in Exile and Artist in Algiers, » Sorbonne University Press, published on November 28, 2019. He found solace in another passion, another way of living through art. He was seen mingling with the artistic and intellectual circles of his time (Marius Reynaud, Auguste Rodin, Judith Gautier, etc.). Thanks to this association,

he became a student of the orientalist painter Marius Reynaud and the famous sculptor Auguste Rodin, which allowed him to overcome the eternal pain and sadness of a young patriotic emperor exiled far from his homeland until his death.

Château De Losse

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Référence bibliographique  

Vua Hàm Nghi. Phan Trần Chúc Nhà xuất bản Thuận Hóa 1995.

Ham Nghi – Empereur en exil, artiste à Alger.  Amandine Dabat, Sorbonne Université Presses, Novembre 2019 

 

Emperor Tự Đức (Version anglaise)

 


tuduc

Hồng Nhậm

(1847-1883)

A great tribute to the poet-emperor Tự Đức through my four verses in Six-Eight:

Ngậm ngùi thương xót phận mình
Làm vua chẳng có quang vinh chút gì
Thực dân chiếm đất ở lì
Trẩm đây buồn tủi, sử thì kết oan

I painfully pity my fate
« Being king » does not deserve enough glory
The colonialists confiscated the land to stay there
I am plunged into sadness and humiliation while history has condemned me.

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Being the fourth emperor of the Nguyễn dynasty, Tự Ðức was known by the name Hồng Nhậm when he was still a young prince. He was the youngest son of Emperor Thiệu Trị. The latter decided to change his mind at the last minute in his royal will by designating him as the deserving successor instead of the crown prince Hồng Bào, his brother, on the pretext of debauchery. His enthronement was greatly disturbed by the fainting of his brother Hồng Bào before the Court, followed by the imprisonment of the latter, later accused of collusion with Catholic priests and Europeans in view of a coup d’état. Hồng Bào was shortly thereafter eliminated in prison, which later raised some criticisms directed at the emperor by his subordinates through their poems. He was reproached for lacking the magnanimity that King Cao Pi (Tào Phi) had reserved for his brother Cao Tseu (Tào Thực), a great poet also ousted from power during the Three Kingdoms period in China. This was the case of the mandarin Nguyễn Hàm Ninh. One fine day, Tự Ðức, who had accidentally bitten his tongue with his teeth at lunchtime, decided to choose as a poetry subject the theme « the injury caused by teeth » and asked his subordinates to compose poems focused on this theme. Nguyễn Hàm Ninh took advantage of this suggestion to promptly address him with his following four-line epic poem:

Ta ra đời trước chú chưa sinh
Chú phận làm em, ta phận anh
Ngọt bùi sao chẩng cùng san sẽ
Mà nỡ đau thương cô’t nhục tình?

I was born before your birth
You are my little brother, I am your big brother
Why don’t you share happiness with me instead of tearing each other apart so miserably?

Nguyễn Hàm Ninh was thus rewarded for his extraordinary talent with several taels of gold, but at the same time, he received a blow with a stick for each verse composed because each verse was meaningful and profound. Tự Ðức was a great poet of his time. That is why he had an undeniable preference for all the great poets of his era. They were appreciated at their true value even at times when his authority and self-esteem could be insulted by harsh and bitter criticism from independent and strong-willed people like Cao Bá Quát. The latter did not cease to ridicule him many times in front of the mandarins, but he did not hesitate to shower him with praise when Cao Bá Quát managed to aesthetically return his antithetical statement while relying on the calling statement proposed by Tự Ðức through a clever play on words. Taking advantage of Cao Bá Quát’s presence, Tự Ðức spontaneously issued the calling statement:

Nhất bào song sinh, nan vi huynh, nan vi đệ
Một bọc sinh đôi, khó làm anh, khó làm em

There is only one embryo for two human lives. It is difficult to be the older brother but it is also difficult to be the younger brother.

To remind Cao Bá Quát that they were twin brothers (him and his brother Cao Bá Ðạt) who were hard to distinguish.

Cao Bá Quát immediately made the following statement in response:

Thiên tài thất ngộ, hữu thị quân, hữu thị thần
Nghìn năm gập một, có vua ấy, có tôi ấy.

There is only one time in a thousand years. There is the good king but there is also the good servant.

To remind Tự Ðức that a good king is always served by a good servant. Despite this, Tự Ðức was not entirely satisfied because he also knew that it was an intelligent and subtle allusion to the Vietnamese proverb (vỏ quýt dày, móng tay nhọn) (or in French, « à bon chat, bon rat« ).

Not only do we find the same number of words in both the calling statement and the called statement, but also the same position for each repeated word. Once again, Cao Bá Quát was not very happy to see the following two antithetical verses composed by Tự Ðức hanging at the entrance of the Cần Chánh palace:

Tử năng thừa phụ nghiệp
Thần khả báo quân ân.

The capable son inherits the father’s profession
The worthy subject is always grateful to the benevolent king.

He was surprised and asked him the reason for his dissatisfaction. Cao Bá Quát said to him:

The word « Tử » (or son in French) cannot be placed before the word « phụ » (or father in French). Similarly, the word « Thần » (or subject in French) cannot precede the word « quân » (or king in French). This no longer conforms to our hierarchical order.
Tự Ðức asked him to correct this mistake. Without hesitation, Cao Bá Quát instantly recited the following two verses:

Quân ân, thần khả báo
Phụ nghiệp, tử năng thừa

For the king’s benefits, the deserving subject is grateful.
For the father’s trade, the capable son inherits.

Despite his romantic nature and delicate temperament, Tự Ðức was the emperor who knew very little serenity and tranquility during his reign. He had to face not only the development of Western capitalism but also internal troubles due to the eviction of his elder brother Hồng Bào, the Locust War led by Cao Bá Quát later, etc. The loss of the six provinces of Nam Bộ continuously haunted him and plunged him painfully into everlasting sadness because he was the first emperor of the Nguyễn dynasty to bear the heavy responsibility of letting a part of Vietnamese territory slip into the hands of foreigners, particularly the one from which his mother originated.

Tự Đức stele
tuduc_stele

The absence of an heir prince due to his sterility caused by smallpox he contracted when he was young, the suicide of the scholar Phan Thanh Giản, governor of the western provinces of Nam Bộ, saddened him and forced him to often seek refuge in his beautiful red wooden pavilions Du Khiêm and Xung Khiêm, which have now become favorite places for foreign and Vietnamese tourists. It was here that he composed poems, the most famous remaining the love poem titled « Khóc Bằng Phi (Tears for My Concubine) » and immortalized by the following two verses:

Ðập cổ kính ra, tìm lấy bóng
Xếp tàn y lại để dành hơi

I break the old mirror to search for your shadow
I fold your worn clothes to keep your warmth.

Being a pious child, Tự Ðức reigned under the shadow of his mother, Empress Từ Dũ. He took into consideration everything the queen mother had suggested to him. One fine day, while watching the Chinese dramatic theatrical masterpiece titled « Conquest of the West » (Ðường Chinh Tây), the queen mother was shocked by the scene where the heroine Phàn Lê Huê killed her father. To please his mother, Tự Ðức was forced to ask the mandarin in charge of entertainment to completely modify the content of the scene to no longer show this infamous tragedy contrary to the Confucian spirit. The rehabilitation of the mandarin Phạm Phú Thứ in the role of academician responsible for consultation books was not unrelated to the reprimand Tự Ðức had received from the queen mother. This mandarin dared to ask Tự Ðức to correct his laziness because since his accession to the throne, he had abolished grand audiences and gave no follow-up to submitted petitions. Despite his crime of lèse-majesté, Phạm Phú Thứ was not dismissed but rejoined the Court assembly and became a great mandarin under his reign. Due to the influence of the Confucian mandarin clan, Tự Ðức could not initiate reforms in time despite the warning and the pathetic memorandum of the patriotic scholar Nguyễn Trường Tộ.

He did not know how to take advantage of favorable opportunities to bring Vietnam onto the path of modernity, but instead sank deeper into isolation, sadness, and loneliness since the annexation of the six provinces of Nam Bộ by the French colonial authorities.

To try to bring Tự Ðức back to good spirits, the queen mother promised to reward whoever succeeded in making the emperor laugh. He liked to often go to the theater to relax. One fine day, taking advantage of his presence at the royal theater, the leader of the theatrical group named Vung suddenly appeared before Tự Ðức, who was smoking, and said to him:

May you allow me, Lord, to share a puff of your cigarette?
His spontaneous gesture stunned everyone because it was known that he had committed a crime of lèse-majesté. Tự Ðức also laughed at that moment. But he recovered himself and said to him:

You really have audacity.
and pardoned his offense.

Vung was later rewarded by the queen mother.

It is regrettable to attribute to Tự Ðức the image of a despotic emperor responsible for the dismemberment of Vietnam by the colonial authorities. The fate of his country and his people had long been sealed when his grandfather, Emperor Minh Mạng, and his father Thiệu Trị had chosen a policy of persecution against Catholics and foreign missionaries, which allowed the French authorities to justify their intervention and annexation. The French colonial policy had long been set in motion.

Through these anecdotes, we know that Tự Ðức was a tolerant and pious emperor, a man of heart and a great poet of his time. The destiny of his country forced him to become emperor against his will, to kill his elder brother when he became the privileged collaborator of foreigners. Could anyone have done better than him? This is the question one asks when putting oneself in his place. The answer is not found over the years, but one thing is known.

He could not remain indifferent to the events that were cruelly falling upon him and his people. He also could not recover from the deep pain of seeing in the history of Vietnam the fall of the Empire for which he was blamed as responsible.

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[Return DYNASTIE]

 

Les bouquinistes le long de la Seine

Les bouquinistes le long des quais de la Seine

 

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Nằm dọc bờ sông Seine, những quầy sách là một nét đặc trưng của cảnh quan Paris. Tương tự như những người bán hoa ở Phố Cổ Hà Nội, họ bán sách cổ, áp phích, bưu thiếp và đồ sưu tầm. Du khách có cơ hội ngắm nghía hàng hóa của họ khi dạo bước giữa Nhà thờ Đức Bà và Bảo tàng Louvre. Thật thú vị khi được lục lọi những chiếc hộp xanh lớn. Tổng cộng có 900 hộp. Nếu trời mưa, những người bán sách sẽ nhanh chóng đóng quầy. Chỉ trong vài phút, mọi thứ lại biến mất vào chiếc hộp xanh lớn. Paris thật kỳ diệu.

Étant installés le long des quais de la Seine,  les bouquinistes font partie de l’une des caractéristiques du paysage  parisien. Analogues aux marchandes ambulantes des fleurs  du vieux quartier de Hanoï, ils vendent  des livres anciens, des affiches, des cartes postales et des objets de collection.  Les touristes ont l’occasion de jeter un coup d’œil sur leurs produits en flânant entre l’église Notre Dame et le musée du Louvre. Il est intéressant pour les touristes de  les fouiller dans les grandes boites vertes. Il y a 900  boites en tout. En cas de pluie, les bouquinistes vont fermer rapidement leurs boutiques. En quelques minutes, tout disparait à nouveau dans sa grande boite verte. C’est magique, Paris.

Located  along the banks of the Seine, the bouquinistes are part of one of the characteristics of the Parisian landscape. Similar to the flower vendors of the old Hanoi district, they sell old books, posters, postcards, and collectibles. Tourists have the opportunity to take a look at their products while strolling between Notre Dame Church and the Louvre Museum. It is interesting for tourists to rummage through them in the large green boxes. There are 900 boxes in total. In case of rain, the bouquinistes quickly close their shops. In a few minutes, everything disappears again into its large green box. It’s magical, Paris.

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[Return PARIS]

Hồng Bàng period (Văn Lang civilization):Part 2


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Also noted is the significant event highlighted by the Chinese historian Trịnh Tiều in his work Thông Chí: In southern China, during the reign of King Nghiêu (2253 BC), there was an emissary from a tribe named Việt Thường who offered the king, as a token of allegiance, an old turtle that lived for over 1000 years and measured 3 meters in length. On its back were inscriptions bearing characters shaped like tadpoles (văn Khoa Ðẩu), which allowed the interpretation of all the changes of Heaven and nature. King Nghiêu decided to name them Qui Lịch (or turtle calendar). This form of writing was recently found on a stone that is part of the cultural relics of the Sapa-Lào Cai region in northern Vietnam.

The Vietnamese historian Trần Trọng Kim raised this issue in his work titled Viet Nam sử lược (A Brief History of Vietnam).

Many clues have been found in favor of the interpretation of a single tribe, a single people. It cannot be denied that there is an undeniable link between the tadpole-shaped writing and the toad found either on the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn or on the popular Vietnamese prints of Ðông Hồ, the most famous of which remains the print « Thầy Ðồ Cóc » (or The Toad Master). On the latter, the following phrase is found: Lão oa độc giảng (The old toad holds the monopoly on teaching). Although it appeared only 400 years ago, it cleverly reflected the perpetual thought of the era of the Hùng kings (Hùng Vương). It is not by chance that the toad is attributed the role of master, but rather to highlight the importance of the representation and meaning of this image. The toad was the bearer of a civilization whose tadpole-shaped writing was used by the Lạc Việt tribe during the time of the Hùng Vương because it was the father of the tadpole. Similarly, through the print « Chú bé ôm con cóc » (or the boy hugging the toad), the original thought of the Lạc Việt people was revealed. The child’s respect for the toad, or rather its master (Tôn Sư trọng đạo), was a concept already existing during the time of the Hùng Vương. Could one conclude that there was a correlation with what was later found in the Confucian spirit with the phrase Tiên học lễ, hậu học văn (First learn manners, then learn knowledge)?

In Vietnam, the turtle is not only a symbol of longevity but also of the transmission of spiritual values in Vietnamese tradition. Its representation can be found everywhere, especially in common places such as communal houses, pagodas, and temples. It is used in the Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu) to support steles praising the merits of national exam laureates.

The crane on the back of the turtle

On the other hand, in temples and communal houses, it is always seen carrying a crane on its back. There is an undeniable resemblance between this crane and the long-beaked wading bird found on the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn. The image of the crane on the turtle’s back probably reflects the continuity of all religious beliefs derived from the Văn Lang civilization over time. The omnipresence of the turtle in the history and culture of the Vietnamese is neither the result of long Chinese domination nor chance, but it must be due to the fact that the kingdom of Văn Lang was located in a region populated by large turtles. It is only in the southern basin of the Yangtze River (Sông Dương Tữ) that this species of large turtles, now endangered, can be found. This was reported by the Vietnamese author Nguyễn Hiến Lê in his work entitled « Sử Trung Quốc » (History of China) (Văn Hoá Publisher, 1996).

It is unlikely that one day archaeological remains proving the existence of this kingdom will be found, like those already discovered from the Shang dynasty. But nothing invalidates this historical truth because, besides the facts mentioned above, there is even intangible proof of a very ancient civilization in this kingdom, often called « the Văn Lang civilization, » whose foundation was found in the theory of Yin and Yang and the five elements (Thuyết Âm Dương Ngũ Hành). This was demonstrated through the sticky rice cake « Bánh Chưng Bánh dầy, » which was exclusively unique to the Vietnamese people since the period of the Hùng Vương kings. One might question the origin of this theory, which has so far been attributed to the Chinese. It was known that according to the Historical Records of Sima Qian (Sử Ký Tư Mã Thiên), Trâu Diễn (Tseou Yen, a philosopher from the state of Qi (Tề Quốc) (350-270 BC)) during the Warring States period (thời Chiến Quốc), was the first Chinese to highlight the relationship between the theory of Yin and Yang and that of the five elements (wu xing).

Âm Dương
The first was mentioned in the book Zhouyi (Chu Dịch) by the son of King Wen (1), Chu Công Ðán (the Duke of Zhou), while the second was found by Yu the Great (Ðại Vũ) of the Xia dynasty (Hạ). There is practically a gap of 1000 years between these two theories. The concept of the five elements was quickly integrated into the theory of yin and yang to provide an explanation of the tao, which is the origin of all things. Despite the success encountered in a large number of fields of application (astrology, geomancy, traditional medicine), it is difficult to give a coherent justification regarding the date of publication of these theories because the notion of Taiji (thái cực) (the supreme limit), from which the two main elements were born (yin and yang), was introduced only at the time of Confucius (500 years B.C.). Taiji has been the subject of meditation by philosophers from all backgrounds since the philosopher of the Song era and the founder of neo-Confucianism, Zhou Dunyi (Chu Ðôn Di), gave this concept a new definition in his bestseller: « Treatise on the Taiji Diagram » (Thái Cực đồ thuyết):

Vô cực mà là thái cực, Thái cực động sinh Dương, động đến cực điểm thì tĩnh, tĩnh sinh Âm, tĩnh đến cực đỉnh thì lại động. Một động một tĩnh làm căn bản cho nhau…

From Wuji (Limitless) to Taiji (Supreme Limit). The supreme limit, once in motion, generates yang, and at the limit of movement is rest; this, in turn, generates yin, and at the limit of rest is the return to movement. Movement and rest, each takes root in the other.

For the Chinese, there is a sequence in the beginning of the universe:

Thái cực sinh lưỡng nghi là Âm Dương, Âm Dương sinh Bát Quái

From Taiji come Heaven and Earth, a Yin and a Yang that give birth to the eight trigrams.

Hà Đồ (River Diagram)
The inconsistency is so visible in the chronological order of these theories because Fu Xi (1) was attributed with the invention of the eight trigrams around 3500 BC, whereas the notion of Yin and Yang was introduced during the Zhou era (1200 BC). Relying on recent archaeological discoveries, particularly the discovery of the silk manuscripts at Mawangdui (1973), today’s Chinese specialists propose unimaginable statements: The hexagrams precede the trigrams, etc., which proves that the chronological order of these theories is subject to constant revision according to new situations. This leads us to find, in this confusion, another explanation, another approach, another hypothesis according to which the theory of Yin-Yang and the five elements was appropriated by another civilization. That would be that of Văn Lang. Confusion continues to be ingrained in the reader’s mind with the famous River Plan and the Luo Script (Hà Ðồ Lạc Thư).

The Luo Script was supposed to be found before the appearance of the River Plan. This highlights the contradiction found in the chronological order of these discoveries. Some Chinese had the opportunity to question the traditional history established until then in Confucian orthodoxy by the Chinese dynasties. This is the case of Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072), who saw in this famous plan the work of man. He refuted the « Mandate of Heaven » in his work entitled « Questions of a Child on the Yi King (Yi tongzi wen) » (Zhongguo shudian, Beijing 1986). He preferred the version of human invention.

Can the truthfulness of the Chinese legend be granted when it is known that there was also a complete inconsistency in the chronological order of the discovery of these famous River Plan and Luo Script?

Fou Xi (Phục Hi) (3500 BC) first discovered the River Plan (Hà Ðồ) during an excursion on the Yellow River. He saw a dragon horse (long mã) emerge from the water carrying this plan on its back. It was attributed to You the Great (Đại Vũ) (2205 BC) the discovery of the Luo Script found on the back of the turtle. Yet it is thanks to the Luo Script and its explanation (Lạc Thư cửu tinh đồ) that one manages to establish and correctly interpret the stellar diagram based on the North Star (Bắc Ðẩu) and found on this famous River Plan according to the principle of Yin and Yang and the 5 elements.

The famous word « Luo » (Lạc) found in the text of the Great Commentary of Confucius:

Thị cố thiên sinh thần vật, thánh nhân tắc chi, thiên địa hóa thánh nhân hiệu chi; thiên tượng, hiện cát hung, thánh nhân tượng chi. Hà xuất đồ, Lạc xuất thư, thánh nhân tắc chi.

Cho nên trời sinh ra thần vật, thánh nhân áp dụng theo; trời đất biến hoá, thánh nhân bắt chước; trời bày ra hình tượng. Hiện ra sự tốt xấu, thánh nhân phỏng theo ý tượng. Bức đồ hiện ra sông Hoàng Hà, hình chữ hiện ở sông Lạc, thánh nhân áp dụng .

Therefore, Heaven gives birth to divine things, the Sages apply them; Heaven and Earth transform and change, the Sages imitate them; Heaven displays images. Manifesting good and bad, the Sages follow the symbolic meaning. The map shows the Yellow River, the character appears on the Luo River, the Sages apply them.

Heaven gives birth to divine things, the Sages take them as criteria. Heaven and Earth undergo changes and transformations, the Sages reproduce them. In Heaven hang images manifesting fortune and misfortune, the Sages imitate them. From the Yellow River comes the Map, from the Luo River comes the Script, the Sages take them as models.

continues to be interpreted up to today as the name of the Luo River, a tributary of the Yellow River that crosses and nourishes central China. These famous River Plan and Luo Script are still seen as the beginnings of Chinese civilization. From drawings and figures to trigrammatic signs, from trigrammatic signs to linguistic signs, one thinks of the progress of Chinese civilization in the Yi King without believing that it could have been the model borrowed by the Sage from another civilization. Yet if Luo is associated with the word Yue, it refers to the Lạc Việt tribe (Luo Yue) from which the Vietnamese descend. Is this a pure coincidence or the name used by the Sages Yu the Great or Confucius to refer to the Văn Lang civilization? Lạc Thư indeed designates the writing of the Luo tribe, Lạc tướng its generals, Lạc điền its territory, Lạc hầu its marquises, etc.

It is wonderful to observe that the theory of Yin-Yang and the five elements finds its perfect cohesion and functioning in the glutinous rice cake, an intangible proof of the Văn Lang civilization. Apart from the water needed to cook the cake, its composition includes the four essential elements (meat, yellow beans, glutinous rice, bamboo or pandan leaves). The generating cycle (Ngũ hành tương sinh) of the five elements is clearly visible in the making of this cake. Inside the cake, there is a piece of red-colored pork (Fire) surrounded by a kind of dough made from yellow beans (Earth). All of this is wrapped in white glutinous rice (Metal) to be cooked with boiling water (Water) before acquiring a green coloration on its surface thanks to the pandan leaves (Wood).

The two geometric shapes, a square and a circle that this cake takes, correspond well to Yin (Âm) and Yang (Dương). Since the Yang breath reflects fullness and purity, it is attributed the shape of a circle. As for Yin, this breath contains impurity and limitation. That is why it is given the shape of a square. A slight difference is notable in the definition of Yin-Yang between the Chinese and the Vietnamese. For the latter, Yin tends to be in motion (động).

Generating cycle

Fire->Earth->Metal->Water->Wood->Fire

Mutual generation of the five elements

That is why only the presence of the 5 elements is found in Yin, represented by the square-shaped rice cake (Bánh chưng). This is not the case for the round-shaped cake symbolizing Yang, which tends to carry the character of « stillness » (tĩnh). This is probably the reason why, up to today, the law of Yin-Yang and the five elements has not made significant progress in its development and why its applications continue to carry a mystical and confusing character in public opinion due to the error introduced in the definition of Yin-Yang by the Chinese.

Temples of the Hùng Kings

HUNG_VUONG

It is customary to say « Mẹ tròn, con vuôn » in Vietnamese to wish the mother and her child good health at the time of birth. This expression is used as a polite phrase if one does not know that it was handed down by our ancestors to draw our attention to the creative nature of the Universe. From the latter were born Yin and Yang, which are not only in opposition but also in interaction and correlation. The complementarity and inseparability of these two poles are the basis for the satisfactory development of nature. The typically Vietnamese game « Chơi ô ăn quan » also demonstrates the perfect functioning of the Yin-Yang theory and the five elements. The game stops when no tokens are found in the two extreme semicircles corresponding to the two poles Yin and Yang.

Ancestor altar

No Vietnamese hides their emotion when they see the sticky rice cake on their ancestors’ altar during the Tết festival. For them, this dish, which may appear unattractive and lacks a delicious taste, has a special meaning. It testifies not only to the respect and affection that Vietnamese people like to maintain towards their ancestors but also to the imprint of a 5,000-year-old civilization.

This sticky rice cake is the undeniable proof of the perfect functioning of Yin and Yang and the five elements. It is the only intact legacy that the Vietnamese have managed to receive from their ancestors amidst the whirlwinds of history. It cannot rival the masterpieces of other civilizations like the Great Wall of China or the pharaohs’ pyramids made with sweat and blood. It is the living symbol of a civilization that has bequeathed humanity knowledge of immeasurable value, which continues to be used in many fields of application (astronomy, geomancy, medicine, astrology, etc.).

[Return CIVILISATION]

Hồng Bàng period (Văn Lang civilization)

 

 Hồng Bàng period

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Vietnamese version

The Vietnamese often say: drinking water reminds us of its source (Uống nước nhớ nguồn). It is not surprising to see them continue to celebrate in great pomp on the 10th day of the third lunar month each year the commemorative day of the Hùng kings of the Hồng Bàng dynasty, the founding fathers of the Vietnamese nation. To this day, no archaeological remains have been found to confirm the existence of this dynasty except for the ruins of the Cổ Loa citadel (Shell City) dating from the reign of King An Dương Vương, the temple built in honor of these Hùng kings in Phong Châu, as well as the jade blades (Nha chương) in Phú Thọ province.

Many clues do not disprove this existence if one refers to the legends reported from this mythical era and the Annals of Vietnam and China. Chinese domination (3rd century BC – 939 AD) was not unrelated to the greatest influence on the development of Vietnamese civilization. Everything belonging to the Vietnamese became Chinese and vice versa during this period. There was a policy of assimilation deliberately imposed by the Chinese. This did not leave the Vietnamese the possibility to maintain their culture, inheriting a civilization 5,000 years old called the « Văn Lang civilization, » without resorting to oral traditions (proverbs, folk poems, or legends).

The use of mythical allusion is the surest way to allow posterity to trace its origin by providing a large number of useful clues despite the systematic destruction of their culture and the relentless repression by the Chinese against the Yue (or the Vietnamese). According to researcher Paul Pozner, Vietnamese historiography is based on a very long and continuous historical tradition. This is represented by an oral historical tradition lasting several centuries of the first millennium BCE in the form of historical legends in the temples of ancestor worship (1).

The two verses found in the following popular song (ca dao):

Trăm năm bia đá thì mòn
Ngàn năm bia miệng vẫn còn trơ trơ

With a hundred years, the stone stele continues to deteriorate
With a thousand years, the words of the people continue to remain in force

testify to the practice consciously carried out by the Vietnamese with the aim of preserving what they inherited from the Văn Lang civilization.

This one bears the name of a kingdom bordered at that time to the north by Nam Hải (Nanhai), to the west by the kingdom of Ba Thuc (Tứ Xuyên or Sichuan in French), to the north by the territory of the Ðộng Ðình lake (Hu Nan) (Hồ Nam), and to the south by the kingdom of Hồ Tôn (Champa). This kingdom was located in the Yangtze River basin (Sông Dương Tử) and was under the authority of a Hùng king. He had been elected for his courage and values. He divided his kingdom into districts entrusted to his brothers known as « Lạc hầu » (marquises). His male children held the title of Quan lang and his daughters that of Mỵ nương. His people were known as Lạc Việt. His men had the custom of tattooing their bodies. This « barbaric » practice, often revealed in Chinese annals, was, according to Vietnamese texts, intended to protect men from attacks by water dragons (con thuồng luồng).

This may be the reason why the Chinese often referred to them as Qủi (demons). A loincloth and topknot constituted the usual costume of this people, to which bronze ornaments were added. The Lạc Việt blackened their teeth with lacquer, chewed betel, and manually pounded rice. As farmers, they practiced rice cultivation in flooded fields.

Is the kingdom of Văn Lang a pure invention fueled by the Vietnamese to maintain a myth, or a real kingdom that existed and disappeared in the whirlwinds of history?

According to Vietnamese myth, the land of these Proto-Vietnamians was bounded to the north during the time of the Hùng Vương (the first dynasty of the Vietnamese, 2879 BC) by Dongting Lake (Động Đình Hồ), located in the territory of the Chu kingdom (Sở Quốc). Part of their territory returned to the latter during the Warring States period (thời Chiến Quốc). Their descendants living in this attached part probably became subjects of the Chu kingdom. There was obviously a relationship, an intimate link between this kingdom and the Proto-Vietnamians. This is a hypothesis recently suggested and advanced by a Vietnamese writer, Nguyên Nguyên(2). According to him, it is not uncommon in ancient texts for ideograms to be replaced by other ideograms with the same phonetics. This is the case with the title Kinh Dương Vương taken by the father of the ancestor of the Vietnamese, Lôc Tục. Writing it this way in Chinese, one can easily see the names of two cities: Kinh Châu (Jīngzhōu)(3) and Dương Châu (Yángzhōu)(4), where respectively the Yue ethnic groups of the Thai branch and the Lạc branch lived. There was a translation of an intention to intelligently evoke by the narrator the settlement and fusion of the Yue ethnic groups of the Thai branch (Si Ngeou) and the Lạc branch (Ngeou-lo) coming from migrations from these cities during the conquests and annexations of Chu. On the other hand, the ideogram (thái dương) is translated as light, solemn.

It is used in order to avoid its use as a family name. By using these words, it allows the translation of Kinh Dương Vương as the solemn King Kinh. But there is also a word Kinh   synonymous with the word Lac (), a nickname for the Viet. In short, Kinh Dương Vương can be translated as the Solemn Viet King. As for the title An Dương Vương taken by the king of Âu Viêt, the author does not doubt his explanation: it is indeed the pacification of the Yue country of the Lac branch (trị an xứ Dương) by a son of the Yue of the Thái branch.

This can only support the thesis of Edouard Chavannes (5) and Léonard Aurousseau (5): the Proto-Vietnamese and the subjects of the Chu kingdom have the same ancestors. Moreover, there is a remarkable coincidence found in the clan name Mị (咩) (the bleating of a sheep) borne by the kings of Chu and that of the Vietnamese kings. Based on the Historical Memoirs (Che-Ki) of Sseu-Ma Tsien (Sima Qian) translated by E. Chavannes (6), it is known that the king of the Chu principality comes from the southern barbarians (or Bai Yue): Hiong-K’iu (Hùng Cừ) said: I am a barbarian and I do not take part in the posthumous titles and names of the kingdoms of the Middle.

American linguists Mei Tsulin (6) and Norman Jerry have identified a number of loanwords from the Austro-Asiatic language of the Yue in Chinese texts from the Han period.
This is the case with the Chinese word jiang (giang in Vietnamese or river in French) or the word nu (ná in Vietnamese or crossbow in French). They demonstrated the strong probability of the presence of the Austro-Asiatic language in southern China and concluded that there had been contact between the Chinese language and the Austro-Asiatic language in the territory of the ancient kingdom of Chu between 1000 and 500 years before Christ. This geographical argument was never seriously considered in the past by some Vietnamese historians because, for them, this dynasty belonged rather to the mythical period. Moreover, according to Chinese sources, the territory of the ancestors of the Vietnamese (Kiao-tche (Giao Chỉ) and Kieou-tchen (Cửu Chân)) was confined to present-day Tonkin, which made them reluctant to accept without explanation or justification the territorial extent of the Hồng Bàng dynasty up to Dongting Lake. They did not see in the narration of this myth the will of the ancestors of the Vietnamese to show their origin, to display their belonging to the Bai Yue group, and their unwavering resistance against the formidable conquerors who were the Chinese.

In the Chinese annals, it was reported that during the Spring and Autumn period (Xuân Thu), King Gou Jian (Câu Tiễn) of the Yue (Wu Yue) was interested in an alliance he wished to form with the kingdom of Văn Lang in order to maintain supremacy over the other powerful principalities in the region. It is likely that this kingdom of Văn Lang was a neighboring country to that of Gou Jian’s Yue.

He found no interest in forming this alliance if the Văn Lang kingdom was geographically confined to present-day Vietnam. The recent discovery of King Goujian of Yue’s sword (reigned 496-465 BC) in tomb no. 1 of Wanshan (Jianling) (Hubei) helps to better define the boundaries of the Văn Lang kingdom. It would probably be located in the Qui Châu (or GuiZhou) region. However, Henri Maspero challenged this hypothesis in his work titled « The Kingdom of Văn Lang » (BEFEO, vol. XVIII, no. 3).

He attributed to Vietnamese historians the error of confusing the Văn Lang kingdom with that of Ye Lang (or Dạ Lang in Vietnamese), whose name may have been incorrectly transmitted by Chinese historians to their Vietnamese colleagues during the Tang dynasty (nhà Đường). This is not entirely accurate because, in Vietnamese legends, particularly in that of « Phù Ðổng Thiên Vương (or the Celestial Lord of Phù Ðổng village), » it is evident that the Văn Lang kingdom was in armed conflict with the Yin-Shang (Ân-Thương) dynasty during the reign of King Hùng VI and that it was larger than the Ye Lang kingdom found at the time of China’s unification by Qin Shi Huang Di.
 
In the Annals of Viet Nam, the long reign of the Hùng kings (from 2879 to 258 BC) is mentioned. The discovery of bronze objects in Ningxiang (Hu Nan) in the 1960s eliminated any doubt about the existence of centers of civilization contemporary with the Shang, which were ignored by texts in southern China. This is the case, for example, with the Sanxingdui culture (Sichuan) (Di chỉ Tam Tinh Đôi). The bronze wine vessel decorated with anthropomorphic faces clearly testifies to contact established by the Shang with Melanesian-type peoples, as these faces show round human faces with a flat nose. The casting of this bronze used in the making of this vessel requires the incorporation of tin, which northern China did not possess at that time.

Could there have been real contact, an armed conflict between the Shang and the kingdom of Văn Lang if we stick to the legend of the celestial lord of Phù Ðổng? Could we grant truthfulness to a fact reported by a Vietnamese legend? Many Western historians have always seen the Đông Sơn civilization period as the beginning of the formation of the Vietnamese nation (500-700 BC). This is also the shared opinion found in the anonymous historical work « Việt Sử Lược. »

Under the reign of King Zhuang Wang (Trang Vương) of the Zhou (696-691 BC), there was in the Gia Ninh district a strange figure who succeeded in dominating all the tribes with his magic, taking the title Hùng Vương and establishing his capital at Phong Châu. Through hereditary succession, this allowed his lineage to maintain power with 18 kings, all bearing the name Hùng.

On the other hand, in other Vietnamese historical works, a long period of reign was attributed to the Hồng Bàng dynasty (from 2879 to 258 BC) lasting 2622 years. It seems inconceivable if we stick to the number 18, the number of kings during this period, because that would mean each Hùng Vương king reigned on average 150 years. We can only find a satisfactory answer if we accept the hypothesis established by Trần Huy Bá in his presentation published in the journal Nguồn Sáng no 23 on the day of commemoration of the Hùng Vương kings (Ngày giỗ Tổ Hùng Vương) (1998). For him, there is a misinterpretation of the word đời found in the phrase « 18 đời Hùng Vương. » The word « Ðời » should be replaced by the word Thời meaning « period. » (7)

With this hypothesis, there are therefore 18 reign periods, each corresponding to a branch that can be composed of one or several kings in the genealogical tree of the Hồng Bàng dynasty. This argument is reinforced by the fact that King Hùng Vương was elected for his courage and merits, referring to the Vietnamese tradition of choosing men of value for the supreme position. This was reported in the famous legend of the sticky rice cake (Bánh chưng bánh dầy). Thus, the word đời can be justified by the word branch (or chi).

We are led to provide a more coherent explanation for the number 2622 with the following 18 branches found in the work « Văn hoá tâm linh – đất tổ Hùng Vương » by the author Hồng Tử Uyên:

Chi Càn Kinh Dương Vương húy Lộc Túc   
Chi Khảm Lạc Long Quân húy Sùng Lãm
Chi Cấn Hùng Quốc Vương húy Hùng Lân
Chi Chấn Hùng Hoa Vương húy Bửu Lang
Chi Tốn Hùng Hy Vương húy Bảo Lang
Chi Ly Hùng Hồn Vương húy Long Tiên Lang
Chi Khôn Hùng Chiêu Vương húy Quốc Lang
Chi Ðoài Hùng Vĩ Vương húy Vân Lang
Chi Giáp Hùng Ðịnh Vương húy Chân Nhân Lang
………….. manquant dans  le document historique …
Chi Bính Hùng Trinh Vương húy Hưng Ðức Lang
Chi Ðinh Hùng Vũ Vương húy Ðức Hiền Lang
Chi Mậu Hùng Việt Vương húy Tuấn Lang
Chi Kỷ Hùng Anh Vương húy Viên Lang
Chi Canh Hùng Triệu Vương húy Cảnh Chiêu Lang
Chi Tân Hùng Tạo Vương húy Ðức Quân Lang
Chi Nhâm Hùng Nghị Vương húy Bảo Quang Lang
Chi Qúy Hùng Duệ Vương

 

This also allows us to trace the storyline in the armed conflict between the kingdom of Văn Lang and the Shang through the legend of « Phù Ðổng Thiên Vương. » If this conflict took place, it could only have been at the beginning of the Shang dynasty’s reign for several reasons:

1) No Chinese or Vietnamese historical document mentions trade relations between the kingdom of Văn Lang and the Shang. However, contact was noted later between the Zhou dynasty and King Hùng Vương. A silver pheasant (chim trĩ trắng) was even offered by the latter to the king of Zhou according to the work Linh Nam Chích Quái.

2) The Shang dynasty only reigned from 1766 to 1122 BC. There would be approximately a 300-year discrepancy if one attempted to calculate the arithmetic mean of 18 reign periods of the Hùng kings: (2622 / 18) and multiply it by 12 to roughly give a date at the end of the reign of the sixth Hùng branch (Hùng Vương VI), adding 258, the year of the annexation of the Văn Lang kingdom by King An Dương Vương. This would bring us roughly to the year 2006, the end of the reign of the sixth Hùng branch (Hùng Vương VI). It can be deduced that if there was a conflict, it should be at the beginning of the advent of the Shang dynasty. This discrepancy is not entirely unjustified since there has been little historical precision so far beyond the reign of King Chu Lệ Vương (Zhou LiWang) (850 BC).

[Reading more Part 2)]

 

 

 

 

 

The Vietnamese spoonerism

 

Nói lái

French version
Vietnamese version

The exact date of the appearance of spoonerisms in Vietnam is not known, but during the French colonial period, it was discovered by a researcher from the French School of the Far East, M.A. Chéon. He maintains that it is a language formed mechanically and artificially from the mixing or inversion of elements of two or three consecutive monosyllables in a sentence. It is considered a true linguistic gymnastics and is characteristic in conversation. When someone says something, the listener must know how to interpret it in another way according to a tacit convention that only a small group of people in the profession or among friends can understand. Today, it has become popular among the population and is used to joke playfully among close friends, such as « khoái ăn sang » (to enjoy eating abundantly) (sáng ăn khoai « eat sweet potatoes for breakfast »), (chà đồ nhôm « rub aluminum objects ») (chôm đồ nhà « steal things from the house »), (hạ cờ tây « lower the French flag ») (hạ cầy tơ « eat dog meat »).

Words of extreme elegance can become vulgar words in carelessness or with the intention of teasing someone or mocking others, especially the beautiful names that parents have given their children such as Cảnh hu, Thu đạm, Thái Đức, etc. Sometimes in a statement, no meaning is found, but when the words are reversed, it gives it a meaning like « man cái » becoming « cái màn » (curtain) or vice versa like « đơi chi » becoming « đi chơi » (to stroll).

According to the French researcher M.A. Cheon, Vietnamese people often have the habit of easily separating the elements (consonants and vowels) of words. It is on this separation that the whole rule of wordplay is established. The first word lends its final ending to the following word and in return, it takes back the final ending of the following word.

Thus, « đi chơi » (to stroll) is divided into d + i and becomes « đơi chi » by inversion. This is a very simple rule but it also includes very complex rules that are often found in wordplay with the three principles below.

Example: cờ tây (French flag) becomes cầy tơ (a young dog). This method proves harmonious and is more frequently encountered. Cờ and cầy always keep the two tones (bằng) of the two original sounds like tây and.

Second method:

1°) Completely swap syllables.

2°) Keep the two tones (accents) of the two original sounds.

For example: đấu tranh (to fight) becomes tránh đâu (to avoid). This method does not seem pleasant to the ear and is rarely used.

Third method:

1°) Reverse the sound pattern.

2°) Swap the two tones (accents) of the two syllables.

For example: khó đi (difficult to go) becomes khi đó (at that moment). This method is also not pleasant to the ear and its use is also rare.

According to the writer Phụng Nghi, in a word of 3 or 4 syllables, if one wants to say it « backwards, » one must keep the linking sounds (conjunctions) or the sounds with secondary meaning. The syllables with the correct meaning are exchanged in the three ways mentioned above.

Example: khoái ăn sang (to enjoy eating abundantly) -> sáng ăn khoai (« to eat sweet potatoes for breakfast »)

cái trâm em cài (the brooch I wear) -> (cái trài em câm) -> (cái chai em cầm « the bottle I hold »)

làm sương cho sáo (to make dew for the flute: no meaning) -> (làm sao cho sướng « how to make myself happy »)

cầu gia đạo (family prayer) -> (cạo da đầu « scalp shaving »)

This wordplay is often used with the intention of reflecting a social reality such as

Ban lãnh đạo (« leadership team ») -> Bao lãnh đạn (« cartridge case »)

Thủ tục đầu tiên (« the first procedure to take ») -> (thủ tục tiền đâu « monetary procedure (corruption) »)

Chiều 30 Tết thầy giáo tháo giầy đi chợ, mồng một giáo chức (giức cháodứt  cháo  vui Xuân. Trong câu nầy thì có sự châm chước trong lỗi chính tả như hai chữ  giứcdứt.

On the afternoon of the 30th of Tết, teachers take off their shoes to go to the market. On the first day of Tết, teachers finish their soup and celebrate the spring. In this statement, there is some tolerance for spelling mistakes such as the two words « giức » (no meaning) and « dứt » (to cease).

With the characteristic of « transforming the ‘vulgar’ into ‘distinguished’, » the spoonerism is a technique that appears in scholarly literature and popular couplets. It is also satirical and ironic, as in the poem titled « Monastic Life » by Hồ Xuân Hương:

Cái kiếp tu hành nặng đá đeo
Vị gì một chút tẻo tèo teo (quá nhỏ)
Thuyền từ muốn về Tây trúc
Trái gió phải nên phải lộn lèo

The monastic life is burdened with heavy stones,
What taste is there in a little bit so tiny (too small)?
The boat wants to return to India,
The contrary wind forces it to turn around.

Or not strictly adhering to the rising and falling tones in the poem « Summer Awaits the Lover » by Nguyễn Khoa Vy:

Nực cổi chỉ ra nỗi cực lòng
Dòng châu lai láng đĩa dầu chong
Khó đi tìm hiểu nhau khi đó
Công khó chờ ai biết có không

The heat’s relief only reveals deep despair,
Tears flow abundantly on the oil lamp’s plate.
It is difficult to understand each other at that moment,
The effort to wait for someone, does anyone know?

We are used to listening to the following riddles

I do not dislike compotes except chè ghim (chìm nghe « sunken boat »)

Bằng ngón tay trên bàn Phật
Tụng kinh rồi búng cánh bay xa (bánh cúng)

– Just the size of a finger on the Buddha’s altar
Once the prayer is finished, the cake offered to him flies very far (búng cánh « bánh cúng »)

Cái bông trên cành, cái trái cận mây (cây mận)

– The flower is on the branch, the fruit is close to the cloud (cận mây) (prunier tree).

The flower being on the branch, the fruit is very close to the cloud (cận mây), that is, on the « cây mận (prunier) »

Cục đo đỏ bỏ vô giường (Cục đường bỏ vô giỏ)

– The reddish piece is on the bed (Cục đo đỏ bỏ vô giường) (Cục đường bỏ vô giỏ « the piece of sugar is in the basket »)

or to find the spoonerism in the following parallel sentences:

Con mèo cái nằm mãi trên mái kèo
Con cá đối nằm trong cối đá
Con chim mỏ kiến đậu trên miếng cỏ

The female cat rests eternally on the roof framework.
The mule rests in the stone mortar.
The woodpecker perches on a piece of grass.

There are certain puns in spoonerisms that the listener thinks they are dealing with, such as Western or Chinese words during their listening, which first causes confusion and leaves them stunned for a moment before realizing it and bursting out laughing. This is the case with the following example:

Quýt xơ măng bông sên (Quăng xơ mýt (mít) bên sông « throwing jackfruit fibers by the riverbank »).

Chúng mình đập chuông nhé? -> Chúng mình đuông chập nhé? -> Chúng mình đuông chậm nhé? -> ? Chúng mình đâm chuột nhé? -> Chúng mình đâm tí (tý) nhé? -> (Chúng mình đi tắm nhé? « Let’s go swimming »)

[Return LITERATURE]

 

 

Tôi ru em ngủ mùa thu

Tôi ru em ngủ mùa thu

Tôi ru em ngủ mùa thu
Em thường nhặt lá phù du vào mùa
Tôi ru em ngủ gió lùa
Qua hàng song cửa chợp đùa hồn tôi
Tôi ru em ngủ trên môi
Nụ cười chớm nở đời tôi thế nào
Tôi ru em ngủ mưa gào
Hồn tôi lạnh buốt em nào có hay
Tôi ru em ngủ tháng ngày
Khi  thu đã chết, tình nầy cũng phai.

Je te bercerai pour t’endormir en automne
Tu est habituée à ramasser les feuilles fugaces en saison
Je te bercerai pour t’endormir avec le vent qui souffle
À travers les barreaux de la fenêtre, taquinant ainsi mon âme
Je te bercerai pour t’endormir sur les lèvres
Un sourire commençant  à naître, ma vie à quoi ressemble-t-elle?
Je te bercerai pour t’endormir avec la pluie « hurlante »
Mon âme est gelée, tu ne le sais pas
Je te bercerai pour t’endormir  au fil des jours
Quand l’automne mourra,  cet amour s’estompera aussi

I lull you to sleep in autumn
You often gather fleeting leaves in season
I lull you to sleep with the wind that sneaks 
Through the bars of the window, teasing my soul
I lull you to sleep on the lips
A smile beginning to emerge, what will my life be like?
I lull you to sleep with the howling rain
My soul is frozen, you don’t know it
I lull you to sleep over the days
When autumn dies, this love fades away too.

 

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