Lion dog (Con nghê)

 

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In Vietnamese culture, we are accustomed to confusing the animal « nghê (or lion-dog) » with the qilin (kỳ lân)(*). The « lion-dog » does not actually exist in nature, but it is also not a sacred animal borrowed from other cultures. It is a purely Vietnamese creature dating back to ancient times. The nghê has certain traits of the qilin. The main characteristic that distinguishes the nghê from the qilin lies in the toes: the nghê is armed with claws, while the qilin has hooves. Additionally, the nghê has the body of a dog to conform to the identity and culture of the Vietnamese people. In biological dictionaries, there is no animal named « nghê » or « lion-dog, » but only the lion exists. Before the Han (or Chinese) domination, its existence is not detected. Its formation took place within Vietnamese culture starting from the Han domination period, at the end of the Đồng Sơn period and at the time when the Lý dynasty succeeded in gaining full independence. It was during this period that it appeared in architectural construction projects such as the imperial citadel of Thăng Long, the Dâu and Phật Tích pagodas, communal houses, etc. It is an imaginary creature that has never had a precise appearance or form like a tiger or a lion.

That is why there is variation in the modification of the form of this creature. It is a four-legged animal, hornless, with a slender body, which gives it a resemblance to a guard dog. Its particular characteristic is « guarding and protection. » We are accustomed to saying « the phoenix dances and the lion-dog guards » in a proverb. In the Vietnamese dictionary, « chầu » is used to mean « waiting for orders » and « watching. » This creature possesses the « sacred » element intended to ward off and neutralize evil spirits. That is why the lion-dog (or nghê) is visible everywhere in Vietnamese folklore, from the royal court and pagodas to the village entrance, tombs, and house roofs.

According to fine arts specialist Trần Hậu Yên Thế, this creature has a physiognomy, an idyllic appearance that facilitates the first impression, a familiar characteristic, thus revealing its loyalty like a dog with a short tail.

Historian Lê Văn Lan informs us that at the time of creating the mascot, one must initially be inspired by a real animal. This is how the lion-dog is created from the guard dog, just as the dragon is from the crocodile. Everywhere, in every place, the lion-dog must appear with a particular meaning. The nghê located in the cemetery is different from the one found at the entrance of the communal house.

At the top of the roof of the latter (Đinh Bảng for example), the lion-dog, analogous to a phoenix belonging to the animals of the heavens, watches below the movement of the visitor with the purpose of protecting or punishing them depending on their behavior during the visit. However, on the tops of the two columns at the entrance of the Mông Phụ communal house (Đường Lâm), there are two nghê, each with a joyful and welcoming appearance. As for the crouching nghê in front of the tomb, it appears both compassionate and merciful. This in no way manifests the ferocity and power often found in the Chinese lion. The lamp base in the shape of a crouching « lion-dog » found among the late Đông Sơn culture artifacts functions to radiate a light intended to repel and destroy evil spirits. In front of the village entrance, its presence brings protection to the entire village.

According to fine arts specialist Trần Hậu Yên Thế, during the Lê Trung Hưng period (1428-1788), the « lion-dog » was still present near royal tombs. However, the « nghê » no longer exists in most royal tombs under the Nguyễn dynasty but is replaced by the qilin.

But in everyday life, the lion-dog is always visible in the architectural network of hundreds of villages in the North. Until now, statues of the « lion-dog » in a guarding position continue to be made. The lion-dog appears in various forms. It is very well adapted to the landscape of the place where it is present and reflects the spirit of the Vietnamese people. Depending on each period of history, it presents itself in different and distinctive ways, but the basis of its characteristics continues to carry the Vietnamese folkloric element.


(*) Qilin is the word designating the pair of Feng Shui animals where Qi is the male and Lin is the female.

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Bibliography:

Đinh Hồng Hải: Những biểu tượng đặc trưng trong văn hóa truyền thống Việt Nam.  Tập 3. Các con vật linh. Editions Nhà Xuất Bản thế giới. Hànội 2016
Trần Hậu Yên Thế, Nguyễn Đưc Hoà, Hồ Hữu Long: Phác họa Nghê. Nhà Xuất Bản thế giới.

The tomb of the patriotic emperor Hàm Nghi

 

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For a long time, I have hoped to one day visit the tomb of the exiled Emperor Hàm Nghi when I knew that he was buried in the commune of Thonac, located in the Dordogne department of the Nouvelle-Aquitaine region. At the end of the week in May 2017, I had the opportunity to be in that area with my children, but I was completely disoriented and saddened when I found his vault. It continues to be ravaged by moss and does not resemble the photo found on the internet. We are all stunned and outraged by the lack of respect towards Hàm Nghi, a young emperor exiled at 18 by the French colonialists and who died in Algiers. Back in Paris, saddened by this story, I also did not have enough time to post the photos of Thonac on my site, especially those of the Château de Losse, whose owner is none other than the eldest daughter of Emperor Hàm Nghi, Princess Như Mây. She bought the castle in 1930 for the sum of 450,000 francs. Due to financial problems, she sold it to a Frenchman, who later transferred it to an English family in 1999. Today, this castle has been classified as a historic monument since 1932. For this reason, the remains of Emperor Hàm Nghi were brought back to France to Thonac during Algeria’s independence in 1965 and were reburied there with his family (his wife, his eldest daughter Như Mây, his only son Minh Đức, and his housekeeper)

When mentioning King Hàm Nghi, one cannot forget to recall his biography. Known as Ưng Lịch, he was the younger brother of King Kiến Phúc. He was placed on the throne by two regents, Nguyễn Văn Tường and Tôn Thất Thuyết, in 1884 when he was 13 years old. Having killed three successive kings—Dục Đức, Hiệp Hoà, and Kiến Phúc—in less than a year, they thought that with Hàm Nghi’s young age, they could easily guide his governance toward a policy aimed at driving the French out of Vietnam. After the failure of the Vietnamese assault against the French garrison of General De Courcy at Mang Cá, King Hàm Nghi was forced to leave the citadel of Huế and took refuge in Quảng Trị in central Vietnam. He was accompanied by Tôn Thất Thuyết and Nguyễn Văn Tường. For an unknown reason, the latter returned to the citadel of Huế. He later tried to explain through his poem in which he acknowledged that he no longer followed Hàm Nghi in the resistance because, for him, it was preferable to serve the state rather than engage in resistance. For the king or for the Vietnamese state, the choice was difficult. He left it to future generations to judge.

Xe giá ngàn trùng lẫy dặm xanh
Lòng tôi riêng luyến chốn lan đình
Phải chăng phó mặc ngàn  sau luận
Vua, nước đôi đường hỏi trọng khinh?

The carriage travels thousands of leagues through the vast green,
My heart alone longs for the place of the orchid pavilion.
Is it perhaps to entrust the judgment to thousands of years hence,
The king and the country, two paths questioning honor and disgrace?

He asked Father Caspar to contact De Courcy to arrange an audience and tried to convince him that he did not participate in the launch of the aborted assault. Pretending to believe him, De Courcy suggested that he write letters urging Hàm Nghi and his supporters to return to the citadel of Huế and set him an ultimatum of two months. After failing to convince Hàm Nghi and Tôn Thất Thuyết, he was first deported to Poulo Condor Island, then to Tahiti to receive treatment for his illness, and finally died in Papeete. As for Tôn Thất Thuyết, he continued to accompany Hàm Nghi in the fight against the French with his children Tôn Thất Đạm and Tôn Thất Thiệp during the four years of resistance. He eventually left for China to seek help from the Qing and died there in exile in 1913.

King Hàm Nghi twice called upon all the vital forces of the nation, especially the scholars, to rise up against the colonial authorities in his name through the movement called « Cần Vương » (Aid to the King) from the North to the South to demand independence. This movement began to find a favorable response among the people. The scale of this movement did not diminish and was visible everywhere, such as in Hà Tĩnh with Phan Đinh Phùng, Đinh Nho Hạnh, in Bình Định with Lê Trung Đình, in Thanh Thủy with Admiral Lê Trực, in Quảng Bình with Nguyễn Phạm Tuân, etc. The name of King Hàm Nghi accidentally became the banner of national independence. Despite the installation of Đồng Khánh on the throne by the French colonial authorities with the approval of the Queen Mother Từ Dũ (mother of Emperor Tự Đức), the insurrection movement continued to endure as long as King Hàm Nghi was still alive. To extinguish the insurrection everywhere, it was necessary to capture Hàm Nghi because he represented the soul of the people while the rebels were part of the body of this people. Once the soul of the people was eliminated, the body disappeared in an obvious way. Between Hàm Nghi and the rebels of the Cần Vương movement, there was always an intermediary who was none other than Tôn Thất Đạm, the son of Tôn Thất Thuyết. Few people had the right to approach Hàm Nghi, who was constantly protected by Tôn Thất Thiệp and a few Muong bodyguards of Trương Quang Ngọc.The latter was known as a local Mường lord living on the banks of the Nai River in Quảng Bình. Hàm Nghi led a difficult and miserable life in the forest during the resistance period.

Because of the betrayal of Trương Quang Ngọc, he was captured in November 1888 and taken back to the citadel of Huế. Silent, he categorically denied being King Hàm Nghi because for him it was an indescribable shame. He continued to remain not only impassive but also mute about his identity in the face of his French captors’ incessant interrogations. Several mandarins were sent to the site to identify whether the young captive in question was indeed King Hàm Nghi or not, but none managed to move him except the old scholar Nguyễn Thuận. Seeing the king who continued to play this charade, he, with tears in his eyes, prostrated himself before him and trembled as he dropped his cane. Faced with the sudden appearance of this scholar, the king forgot the role he had played until then against his captors, helped him up, and knelt before him: « I beg you, my master. » At that moment, he realized he had made a mistake in recognizing him because Nguyễn Thuận had been his tutor when he was still young. He never regretted this gesture because for him, respect for his master came before any other consideration.

Thanks to this recognition, the colonial authorities were certain to capture King Hàm Nghi, which allowed them to pacify Vietnam with the disappearance of the « Cần Vương » movement a few years later. He was then deported to Algeria at the age of 18. He never saw Vietnam again. Even his remains have not been brought back to Vietnam to this day due to his family’s refusal, but they were reburied in the village of Thonac in Sarlat (Dordogne, France) during Algeria’s declaration of independence in 1965 along with his family. During his exile in Algiers, he abandoned all political objectives from 1904, the year of his marriage to a French woman. This was revealed by his niece Amandine Dabat in her work titled « Hàm Nghi, Emperor in Exile and Artist in Algiers, » Sorbonne University Press, published on November 28, 2019. He found solace in another passion, another way of living through art. He was seen mingling with the artistic and intellectual circles of his time (Marius Reynaud, Auguste Rodin, Judith Gautier, etc.). Thanks to this association,

he became a student of the orientalist painter Marius Reynaud and the famous sculptor Auguste Rodin, which allowed him to overcome the eternal pain and sadness of a young patriotic emperor exiled far from his homeland until his death.

Château De Losse

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Référence bibliographique  

Vua Hàm Nghi. Phan Trần Chúc Nhà xuất bản Thuận Hóa 1995.

Ham Nghi – Empereur en exil, artiste à Alger.  Amandine Dabat, Sorbonne Université Presses, Novembre 2019 

 

Emperor Tự Đức (Version anglaise)

 


tuduc

Hồng Nhậm

(1847-1883)

A great tribute to the poet-emperor Tự Đức through my four verses in Six-Eight:

Ngậm ngùi thương xót phận mình
Làm vua chẳng có quang vinh chút gì
Thực dân chiếm đất ở lì
Trẩm đây buồn tủi, sử thì kết oan

I painfully pity my fate
« Being king » does not deserve enough glory
The colonialists confiscated the land to stay there
I am plunged into sadness and humiliation while history has condemned me.

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Being the fourth emperor of the Nguyễn dynasty, Tự Ðức was known by the name Hồng Nhậm when he was still a young prince. He was the youngest son of Emperor Thiệu Trị. The latter decided to change his mind at the last minute in his royal will by designating him as the deserving successor instead of the crown prince Hồng Bào, his brother, on the pretext of debauchery. His enthronement was greatly disturbed by the fainting of his brother Hồng Bào before the Court, followed by the imprisonment of the latter, later accused of collusion with Catholic priests and Europeans in view of a coup d’état. Hồng Bào was shortly thereafter eliminated in prison, which later raised some criticisms directed at the emperor by his subordinates through their poems. He was reproached for lacking the magnanimity that King Cao Pi (Tào Phi) had reserved for his brother Cao Tseu (Tào Thực), a great poet also ousted from power during the Three Kingdoms period in China. This was the case of the mandarin Nguyễn Hàm Ninh. One fine day, Tự Ðức, who had accidentally bitten his tongue with his teeth at lunchtime, decided to choose as a poetry subject the theme « the injury caused by teeth » and asked his subordinates to compose poems focused on this theme. Nguyễn Hàm Ninh took advantage of this suggestion to promptly address him with his following four-line epic poem:

Ta ra đời trước chú chưa sinh
Chú phận làm em, ta phận anh
Ngọt bùi sao chẩng cùng san sẽ
Mà nỡ đau thương cô’t nhục tình?

I was born before your birth
You are my little brother, I am your big brother
Why don’t you share happiness with me instead of tearing each other apart so miserably?

Nguyễn Hàm Ninh was thus rewarded for his extraordinary talent with several taels of gold, but at the same time, he received a blow with a stick for each verse composed because each verse was meaningful and profound. Tự Ðức was a great poet of his time. That is why he had an undeniable preference for all the great poets of his era. They were appreciated at their true value even at times when his authority and self-esteem could be insulted by harsh and bitter criticism from independent and strong-willed people like Cao Bá Quát. The latter did not cease to ridicule him many times in front of the mandarins, but he did not hesitate to shower him with praise when Cao Bá Quát managed to aesthetically return his antithetical statement while relying on the calling statement proposed by Tự Ðức through a clever play on words. Taking advantage of Cao Bá Quát’s presence, Tự Ðức spontaneously issued the calling statement:

Nhất bào song sinh, nan vi huynh, nan vi đệ
Một bọc sinh đôi, khó làm anh, khó làm em

There is only one embryo for two human lives. It is difficult to be the older brother but it is also difficult to be the younger brother.

To remind Cao Bá Quát that they were twin brothers (him and his brother Cao Bá Ðạt) who were hard to distinguish.

Cao Bá Quát immediately made the following statement in response:

Thiên tài thất ngộ, hữu thị quân, hữu thị thần
Nghìn năm gập một, có vua ấy, có tôi ấy.

There is only one time in a thousand years. There is the good king but there is also the good servant.

To remind Tự Ðức that a good king is always served by a good servant. Despite this, Tự Ðức was not entirely satisfied because he also knew that it was an intelligent and subtle allusion to the Vietnamese proverb (vỏ quýt dày, móng tay nhọn) (or in French, « à bon chat, bon rat« ).

Not only do we find the same number of words in both the calling statement and the called statement, but also the same position for each repeated word. Once again, Cao Bá Quát was not very happy to see the following two antithetical verses composed by Tự Ðức hanging at the entrance of the Cần Chánh palace:

Tử năng thừa phụ nghiệp
Thần khả báo quân ân.

The capable son inherits the father’s profession
The worthy subject is always grateful to the benevolent king.

He was surprised and asked him the reason for his dissatisfaction. Cao Bá Quát said to him:

The word « Tử » (or son in French) cannot be placed before the word « phụ » (or father in French). Similarly, the word « Thần » (or subject in French) cannot precede the word « quân » (or king in French). This no longer conforms to our hierarchical order.
Tự Ðức asked him to correct this mistake. Without hesitation, Cao Bá Quát instantly recited the following two verses:

Quân ân, thần khả báo
Phụ nghiệp, tử năng thừa

For the king’s benefits, the deserving subject is grateful.
For the father’s trade, the capable son inherits.

Despite his romantic nature and delicate temperament, Tự Ðức was the emperor who knew very little serenity and tranquility during his reign. He had to face not only the development of Western capitalism but also internal troubles due to the eviction of his elder brother Hồng Bào, the Locust War led by Cao Bá Quát later, etc. The loss of the six provinces of Nam Bộ continuously haunted him and plunged him painfully into everlasting sadness because he was the first emperor of the Nguyễn dynasty to bear the heavy responsibility of letting a part of Vietnamese territory slip into the hands of foreigners, particularly the one from which his mother originated.

Tự Đức stele
tuduc_stele

The absence of an heir prince due to his sterility caused by smallpox he contracted when he was young, the suicide of the scholar Phan Thanh Giản, governor of the western provinces of Nam Bộ, saddened him and forced him to often seek refuge in his beautiful red wooden pavilions Du Khiêm and Xung Khiêm, which have now become favorite places for foreign and Vietnamese tourists. It was here that he composed poems, the most famous remaining the love poem titled « Khóc Bằng Phi (Tears for My Concubine) » and immortalized by the following two verses:

Ðập cổ kính ra, tìm lấy bóng
Xếp tàn y lại để dành hơi

I break the old mirror to search for your shadow
I fold your worn clothes to keep your warmth.

Being a pious child, Tự Ðức reigned under the shadow of his mother, Empress Từ Dũ. He took into consideration everything the queen mother had suggested to him. One fine day, while watching the Chinese dramatic theatrical masterpiece titled « Conquest of the West » (Ðường Chinh Tây), the queen mother was shocked by the scene where the heroine Phàn Lê Huê killed her father. To please his mother, Tự Ðức was forced to ask the mandarin in charge of entertainment to completely modify the content of the scene to no longer show this infamous tragedy contrary to the Confucian spirit. The rehabilitation of the mandarin Phạm Phú Thứ in the role of academician responsible for consultation books was not unrelated to the reprimand Tự Ðức had received from the queen mother. This mandarin dared to ask Tự Ðức to correct his laziness because since his accession to the throne, he had abolished grand audiences and gave no follow-up to submitted petitions. Despite his crime of lèse-majesté, Phạm Phú Thứ was not dismissed but rejoined the Court assembly and became a great mandarin under his reign. Due to the influence of the Confucian mandarin clan, Tự Ðức could not initiate reforms in time despite the warning and the pathetic memorandum of the patriotic scholar Nguyễn Trường Tộ.

He did not know how to take advantage of favorable opportunities to bring Vietnam onto the path of modernity, but instead sank deeper into isolation, sadness, and loneliness since the annexation of the six provinces of Nam Bộ by the French colonial authorities.

To try to bring Tự Ðức back to good spirits, the queen mother promised to reward whoever succeeded in making the emperor laugh. He liked to often go to the theater to relax. One fine day, taking advantage of his presence at the royal theater, the leader of the theatrical group named Vung suddenly appeared before Tự Ðức, who was smoking, and said to him:

May you allow me, Lord, to share a puff of your cigarette?
His spontaneous gesture stunned everyone because it was known that he had committed a crime of lèse-majesté. Tự Ðức also laughed at that moment. But he recovered himself and said to him:

You really have audacity.
and pardoned his offense.

Vung was later rewarded by the queen mother.

It is regrettable to attribute to Tự Ðức the image of a despotic emperor responsible for the dismemberment of Vietnam by the colonial authorities. The fate of his country and his people had long been sealed when his grandfather, Emperor Minh Mạng, and his father Thiệu Trị had chosen a policy of persecution against Catholics and foreign missionaries, which allowed the French authorities to justify their intervention and annexation. The French colonial policy had long been set in motion.

Through these anecdotes, we know that Tự Ðức was a tolerant and pious emperor, a man of heart and a great poet of his time. The destiny of his country forced him to become emperor against his will, to kill his elder brother when he became the privileged collaborator of foreigners. Could anyone have done better than him? This is the question one asks when putting oneself in his place. The answer is not found over the years, but one thing is known.

He could not remain indifferent to the events that were cruelly falling upon him and his people. He also could not recover from the deep pain of seeing in the history of Vietnam the fall of the Empire for which he was blamed as responsible.

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Hồng Bàng period (Văn Lang civilization):Part 2


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Also noted is the significant event highlighted by the Chinese historian Trịnh Tiều in his work Thông Chí: In southern China, during the reign of King Nghiêu (2253 BC), there was an emissary from a tribe named Việt Thường who offered the king, as a token of allegiance, an old turtle that lived for over 1000 years and measured 3 meters in length. On its back were inscriptions bearing characters shaped like tadpoles (văn Khoa Ðẩu), which allowed the interpretation of all the changes of Heaven and nature. King Nghiêu decided to name them Qui Lịch (or turtle calendar). This form of writing was recently found on a stone that is part of the cultural relics of the Sapa-Lào Cai region in northern Vietnam.

The Vietnamese historian Trần Trọng Kim raised this issue in his work titled Viet Nam sử lược (A Brief History of Vietnam).

Many clues have been found in favor of the interpretation of a single tribe, a single people. It cannot be denied that there is an undeniable link between the tadpole-shaped writing and the toad found either on the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn or on the popular Vietnamese prints of Ðông Hồ, the most famous of which remains the print « Thầy Ðồ Cóc » (or The Toad Master). On the latter, the following phrase is found: Lão oa độc giảng (The old toad holds the monopoly on teaching). Although it appeared only 400 years ago, it cleverly reflected the perpetual thought of the era of the Hùng kings (Hùng Vương). It is not by chance that the toad is attributed the role of master, but rather to highlight the importance of the representation and meaning of this image. The toad was the bearer of a civilization whose tadpole-shaped writing was used by the Lạc Việt tribe during the time of the Hùng Vương because it was the father of the tadpole. Similarly, through the print « Chú bé ôm con cóc » (or the boy hugging the toad), the original thought of the Lạc Việt people was revealed. The child’s respect for the toad, or rather its master (Tôn Sư trọng đạo), was a concept already existing during the time of the Hùng Vương. Could one conclude that there was a correlation with what was later found in the Confucian spirit with the phrase Tiên học lễ, hậu học văn (First learn manners, then learn knowledge)?

In Vietnam, the turtle is not only a symbol of longevity but also of the transmission of spiritual values in Vietnamese tradition. Its representation can be found everywhere, especially in common places such as communal houses, pagodas, and temples. It is used in the Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu) to support steles praising the merits of national exam laureates.

The crane on the back of the turtle

On the other hand, in temples and communal houses, it is always seen carrying a crane on its back. There is an undeniable resemblance between this crane and the long-beaked wading bird found on the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn. The image of the crane on the turtle’s back probably reflects the continuity of all religious beliefs derived from the Văn Lang civilization over time. The omnipresence of the turtle in the history and culture of the Vietnamese is neither the result of long Chinese domination nor chance, but it must be due to the fact that the kingdom of Văn Lang was located in a region populated by large turtles. It is only in the southern basin of the Yangtze River (Sông Dương Tữ) that this species of large turtles, now endangered, can be found. This was reported by the Vietnamese author Nguyễn Hiến Lê in his work entitled « Sử Trung Quốc » (History of China) (Văn Hoá Publisher, 1996).

It is unlikely that one day archaeological remains proving the existence of this kingdom will be found, like those already discovered from the Shang dynasty. But nothing invalidates this historical truth because, besides the facts mentioned above, there is even intangible proof of a very ancient civilization in this kingdom, often called « the Văn Lang civilization, » whose foundation was found in the theory of Yin and Yang and the five elements (Thuyết Âm Dương Ngũ Hành). This was demonstrated through the sticky rice cake « Bánh Chưng Bánh dầy, » which was exclusively unique to the Vietnamese people since the period of the Hùng Vương kings. One might question the origin of this theory, which has so far been attributed to the Chinese. It was known that according to the Historical Records of Sima Qian (Sử Ký Tư Mã Thiên), Trâu Diễn (Tseou Yen, a philosopher from the state of Qi (Tề Quốc) (350-270 BC)) during the Warring States period (thời Chiến Quốc), was the first Chinese to highlight the relationship between the theory of Yin and Yang and that of the five elements (wu xing).

Âm Dương
The first was mentioned in the book Zhouyi (Chu Dịch) by the son of King Wen (1), Chu Công Ðán (the Duke of Zhou), while the second was found by Yu the Great (Ðại Vũ) of the Xia dynasty (Hạ). There is practically a gap of 1000 years between these two theories. The concept of the five elements was quickly integrated into the theory of yin and yang to provide an explanation of the tao, which is the origin of all things. Despite the success encountered in a large number of fields of application (astrology, geomancy, traditional medicine), it is difficult to give a coherent justification regarding the date of publication of these theories because the notion of Taiji (thái cực) (the supreme limit), from which the two main elements were born (yin and yang), was introduced only at the time of Confucius (500 years B.C.). Taiji has been the subject of meditation by philosophers from all backgrounds since the philosopher of the Song era and the founder of neo-Confucianism, Zhou Dunyi (Chu Ðôn Di), gave this concept a new definition in his bestseller: « Treatise on the Taiji Diagram » (Thái Cực đồ thuyết):

Vô cực mà là thái cực, Thái cực động sinh Dương, động đến cực điểm thì tĩnh, tĩnh sinh Âm, tĩnh đến cực đỉnh thì lại động. Một động một tĩnh làm căn bản cho nhau…

From Wuji (Limitless) to Taiji (Supreme Limit). The supreme limit, once in motion, generates yang, and at the limit of movement is rest; this, in turn, generates yin, and at the limit of rest is the return to movement. Movement and rest, each takes root in the other.

For the Chinese, there is a sequence in the beginning of the universe:

Thái cực sinh lưỡng nghi là Âm Dương, Âm Dương sinh Bát Quái

From Taiji come Heaven and Earth, a Yin and a Yang that give birth to the eight trigrams.

Hà Đồ (River Diagram)
The inconsistency is so visible in the chronological order of these theories because Fu Xi (1) was attributed with the invention of the eight trigrams around 3500 BC, whereas the notion of Yin and Yang was introduced during the Zhou era (1200 BC). Relying on recent archaeological discoveries, particularly the discovery of the silk manuscripts at Mawangdui (1973), today’s Chinese specialists propose unimaginable statements: The hexagrams precede the trigrams, etc., which proves that the chronological order of these theories is subject to constant revision according to new situations. This leads us to find, in this confusion, another explanation, another approach, another hypothesis according to which the theory of Yin-Yang and the five elements was appropriated by another civilization. That would be that of Văn Lang. Confusion continues to be ingrained in the reader’s mind with the famous River Plan and the Luo Script (Hà Ðồ Lạc Thư).

The Luo Script was supposed to be found before the appearance of the River Plan. This highlights the contradiction found in the chronological order of these discoveries. Some Chinese had the opportunity to question the traditional history established until then in Confucian orthodoxy by the Chinese dynasties. This is the case of Ouyang Xiu (1007-1072), who saw in this famous plan the work of man. He refuted the « Mandate of Heaven » in his work entitled « Questions of a Child on the Yi King (Yi tongzi wen) » (Zhongguo shudian, Beijing 1986). He preferred the version of human invention.

Can the truthfulness of the Chinese legend be granted when it is known that there was also a complete inconsistency in the chronological order of the discovery of these famous River Plan and Luo Script?

Fou Xi (Phục Hi) (3500 BC) first discovered the River Plan (Hà Ðồ) during an excursion on the Yellow River. He saw a dragon horse (long mã) emerge from the water carrying this plan on its back. It was attributed to You the Great (Đại Vũ) (2205 BC) the discovery of the Luo Script found on the back of the turtle. Yet it is thanks to the Luo Script and its explanation (Lạc Thư cửu tinh đồ) that one manages to establish and correctly interpret the stellar diagram based on the North Star (Bắc Ðẩu) and found on this famous River Plan according to the principle of Yin and Yang and the 5 elements.

The famous word « Luo » (Lạc) found in the text of the Great Commentary of Confucius:

Thị cố thiên sinh thần vật, thánh nhân tắc chi, thiên địa hóa thánh nhân hiệu chi; thiên tượng, hiện cát hung, thánh nhân tượng chi. Hà xuất đồ, Lạc xuất thư, thánh nhân tắc chi.

Cho nên trời sinh ra thần vật, thánh nhân áp dụng theo; trời đất biến hoá, thánh nhân bắt chước; trời bày ra hình tượng. Hiện ra sự tốt xấu, thánh nhân phỏng theo ý tượng. Bức đồ hiện ra sông Hoàng Hà, hình chữ hiện ở sông Lạc, thánh nhân áp dụng .

Therefore, Heaven gives birth to divine things, the Sages apply them; Heaven and Earth transform and change, the Sages imitate them; Heaven displays images. Manifesting good and bad, the Sages follow the symbolic meaning. The map shows the Yellow River, the character appears on the Luo River, the Sages apply them.

Heaven gives birth to divine things, the Sages take them as criteria. Heaven and Earth undergo changes and transformations, the Sages reproduce them. In Heaven hang images manifesting fortune and misfortune, the Sages imitate them. From the Yellow River comes the Map, from the Luo River comes the Script, the Sages take them as models.

continues to be interpreted up to today as the name of the Luo River, a tributary of the Yellow River that crosses and nourishes central China. These famous River Plan and Luo Script are still seen as the beginnings of Chinese civilization. From drawings and figures to trigrammatic signs, from trigrammatic signs to linguistic signs, one thinks of the progress of Chinese civilization in the Yi King without believing that it could have been the model borrowed by the Sage from another civilization. Yet if Luo is associated with the word Yue, it refers to the Lạc Việt tribe (Luo Yue) from which the Vietnamese descend. Is this a pure coincidence or the name used by the Sages Yu the Great or Confucius to refer to the Văn Lang civilization? Lạc Thư indeed designates the writing of the Luo tribe, Lạc tướng its generals, Lạc điền its territory, Lạc hầu its marquises, etc.

It is wonderful to observe that the theory of Yin-Yang and the five elements finds its perfect cohesion and functioning in the glutinous rice cake, an intangible proof of the Văn Lang civilization. Apart from the water needed to cook the cake, its composition includes the four essential elements (meat, yellow beans, glutinous rice, bamboo or pandan leaves). The generating cycle (Ngũ hành tương sinh) of the five elements is clearly visible in the making of this cake. Inside the cake, there is a piece of red-colored pork (Fire) surrounded by a kind of dough made from yellow beans (Earth). All of this is wrapped in white glutinous rice (Metal) to be cooked with boiling water (Water) before acquiring a green coloration on its surface thanks to the pandan leaves (Wood).

The two geometric shapes, a square and a circle that this cake takes, correspond well to Yin (Âm) and Yang (Dương). Since the Yang breath reflects fullness and purity, it is attributed the shape of a circle. As for Yin, this breath contains impurity and limitation. That is why it is given the shape of a square. A slight difference is notable in the definition of Yin-Yang between the Chinese and the Vietnamese. For the latter, Yin tends to be in motion (động).

Generating cycle

Fire->Earth->Metal->Water->Wood->Fire

Mutual generation of the five elements

That is why only the presence of the 5 elements is found in Yin, represented by the square-shaped rice cake (Bánh chưng). This is not the case for the round-shaped cake symbolizing Yang, which tends to carry the character of « stillness » (tĩnh). This is probably the reason why, up to today, the law of Yin-Yang and the five elements has not made significant progress in its development and why its applications continue to carry a mystical and confusing character in public opinion due to the error introduced in the definition of Yin-Yang by the Chinese.

Temples of the Hùng Kings

HUNG_VUONG

It is customary to say « Mẹ tròn, con vuôn » in Vietnamese to wish the mother and her child good health at the time of birth. This expression is used as a polite phrase if one does not know that it was handed down by our ancestors to draw our attention to the creative nature of the Universe. From the latter were born Yin and Yang, which are not only in opposition but also in interaction and correlation. The complementarity and inseparability of these two poles are the basis for the satisfactory development of nature. The typically Vietnamese game « Chơi ô ăn quan » also demonstrates the perfect functioning of the Yin-Yang theory and the five elements. The game stops when no tokens are found in the two extreme semicircles corresponding to the two poles Yin and Yang.

Ancestor altar

No Vietnamese hides their emotion when they see the sticky rice cake on their ancestors’ altar during the Tết festival. For them, this dish, which may appear unattractive and lacks a delicious taste, has a special meaning. It testifies not only to the respect and affection that Vietnamese people like to maintain towards their ancestors but also to the imprint of a 5,000-year-old civilization.

This sticky rice cake is the undeniable proof of the perfect functioning of Yin and Yang and the five elements. It is the only intact legacy that the Vietnamese have managed to receive from their ancestors amidst the whirlwinds of history. It cannot rival the masterpieces of other civilizations like the Great Wall of China or the pharaohs’ pyramids made with sweat and blood. It is the living symbol of a civilization that has bequeathed humanity knowledge of immeasurable value, which continues to be used in many fields of application (astronomy, geomancy, medicine, astrology, etc.).

[Return CIVILISATION]

Hồng Bàng period (Văn Lang civilization)

 

 Hồng Bàng period

Version française
Vietnamese version

The Vietnamese often say: drinking water reminds us of its source (Uống nước nhớ nguồn). It is not surprising to see them continue to celebrate in great pomp on the 10th day of the third lunar month each year the commemorative day of the Hùng kings of the Hồng Bàng dynasty, the founding fathers of the Vietnamese nation. To this day, no archaeological remains have been found to confirm the existence of this dynasty except for the ruins of the Cổ Loa citadel (Shell City) dating from the reign of King An Dương Vương, the temple built in honor of these Hùng kings in Phong Châu, as well as the jade blades (Nha chương) in Phú Thọ province.

Many clues do not disprove this existence if one refers to the legends reported from this mythical era and the Annals of Vietnam and China. Chinese domination (3rd century BC – 939 AD) was not unrelated to the greatest influence on the development of Vietnamese civilization. Everything belonging to the Vietnamese became Chinese and vice versa during this period. There was a policy of assimilation deliberately imposed by the Chinese. This did not leave the Vietnamese the possibility to maintain their culture, inheriting a civilization 5,000 years old called the « Văn Lang civilization, » without resorting to oral traditions (proverbs, folk poems, or legends).

The use of mythical allusion is the surest way to allow posterity to trace its origin by providing a large number of useful clues despite the systematic destruction of their culture and the relentless repression by the Chinese against the Yue (or the Vietnamese). According to researcher Paul Pozner, Vietnamese historiography is based on a very long and continuous historical tradition. This is represented by an oral historical tradition lasting several centuries of the first millennium BCE in the form of historical legends in the temples of ancestor worship (1).

The two verses found in the following popular song (ca dao):

Trăm năm bia đá thì mòn
Ngàn năm bia miệng vẫn còn trơ trơ

With a hundred years, the stone stele continues to deteriorate
With a thousand years, the words of the people continue to remain in force

testify to the practice consciously carried out by the Vietnamese with the aim of preserving what they inherited from the Văn Lang civilization.

This one bears the name of a kingdom bordered at that time to the north by Nam Hải (Nanhai), to the west by the kingdom of Ba Thuc (Tứ Xuyên or Sichuan in French), to the north by the territory of the Ðộng Ðình lake (Hu Nan) (Hồ Nam), and to the south by the kingdom of Hồ Tôn (Champa). This kingdom was located in the Yangtze River basin (Sông Dương Tử) and was under the authority of a Hùng king. He had been elected for his courage and values. He divided his kingdom into districts entrusted to his brothers known as « Lạc hầu » (marquises). His male children held the title of Quan lang and his daughters that of Mỵ nương. His people were known as Lạc Việt. His men had the custom of tattooing their bodies. This « barbaric » practice, often revealed in Chinese annals, was, according to Vietnamese texts, intended to protect men from attacks by water dragons (con thuồng luồng).

This may be the reason why the Chinese often referred to them as Qủi (demons). A loincloth and topknot constituted the usual costume of this people, to which bronze ornaments were added. The Lạc Việt blackened their teeth with lacquer, chewed betel, and manually pounded rice. As farmers, they practiced rice cultivation in flooded fields.

Is the kingdom of Văn Lang a pure invention fueled by the Vietnamese to maintain a myth, or a real kingdom that existed and disappeared in the whirlwinds of history?

According to Vietnamese myth, the land of these Proto-Vietnamians was bounded to the north during the time of the Hùng Vương (the first dynasty of the Vietnamese, 2879 BC) by Dongting Lake (Động Đình Hồ), located in the territory of the Chu kingdom (Sở Quốc). Part of their territory returned to the latter during the Warring States period (thời Chiến Quốc). Their descendants living in this attached part probably became subjects of the Chu kingdom. There was obviously a relationship, an intimate link between this kingdom and the Proto-Vietnamians. This is a hypothesis recently suggested and advanced by a Vietnamese writer, Nguyên Nguyên(2). According to him, it is not uncommon in ancient texts for ideograms to be replaced by other ideograms with the same phonetics. This is the case with the title Kinh Dương Vương taken by the father of the ancestor of the Vietnamese, Lôc Tục. Writing it this way in Chinese, one can easily see the names of two cities: Kinh Châu (Jīngzhōu)(3) and Dương Châu (Yángzhōu)(4), where respectively the Yue ethnic groups of the Thai branch and the Lạc branch lived. There was a translation of an intention to intelligently evoke by the narrator the settlement and fusion of the Yue ethnic groups of the Thai branch (Si Ngeou) and the Lạc branch (Ngeou-lo) coming from migrations from these cities during the conquests and annexations of Chu. On the other hand, the ideogram (thái dương) is translated as light, solemn.

It is used in order to avoid its use as a family name. By using these words, it allows the translation of Kinh Dương Vương as the solemn King Kinh. But there is also a word Kinh   synonymous with the word Lac (), a nickname for the Viet. In short, Kinh Dương Vương can be translated as the Solemn Viet King. As for the title An Dương Vương taken by the king of Âu Viêt, the author does not doubt his explanation: it is indeed the pacification of the Yue country of the Lac branch (trị an xứ Dương) by a son of the Yue of the Thái branch.

This can only support the thesis of Edouard Chavannes (5) and Léonard Aurousseau (5): the Proto-Vietnamese and the subjects of the Chu kingdom have the same ancestors. Moreover, there is a remarkable coincidence found in the clan name Mị (咩) (the bleating of a sheep) borne by the kings of Chu and that of the Vietnamese kings. Based on the Historical Memoirs (Che-Ki) of Sseu-Ma Tsien (Sima Qian) translated by E. Chavannes (6), it is known that the king of the Chu principality comes from the southern barbarians (or Bai Yue): Hiong-K’iu (Hùng Cừ) said: I am a barbarian and I do not take part in the posthumous titles and names of the kingdoms of the Middle.

American linguists Mei Tsulin (6) and Norman Jerry have identified a number of loanwords from the Austro-Asiatic language of the Yue in Chinese texts from the Han period.
This is the case with the Chinese word jiang (giang in Vietnamese or river in French) or the word nu (ná in Vietnamese or crossbow in French). They demonstrated the strong probability of the presence of the Austro-Asiatic language in southern China and concluded that there had been contact between the Chinese language and the Austro-Asiatic language in the territory of the ancient kingdom of Chu between 1000 and 500 years before Christ. This geographical argument was never seriously considered in the past by some Vietnamese historians because, for them, this dynasty belonged rather to the mythical period. Moreover, according to Chinese sources, the territory of the ancestors of the Vietnamese (Kiao-tche (Giao Chỉ) and Kieou-tchen (Cửu Chân)) was confined to present-day Tonkin, which made them reluctant to accept without explanation or justification the territorial extent of the Hồng Bàng dynasty up to Dongting Lake. They did not see in the narration of this myth the will of the ancestors of the Vietnamese to show their origin, to display their belonging to the Bai Yue group, and their unwavering resistance against the formidable conquerors who were the Chinese.

In the Chinese annals, it was reported that during the Spring and Autumn period (Xuân Thu), King Gou Jian (Câu Tiễn) of the Yue (Wu Yue) was interested in an alliance he wished to form with the kingdom of Văn Lang in order to maintain supremacy over the other powerful principalities in the region. It is likely that this kingdom of Văn Lang was a neighboring country to that of Gou Jian’s Yue.

He found no interest in forming this alliance if the Văn Lang kingdom was geographically confined to present-day Vietnam. The recent discovery of King Goujian of Yue’s sword (reigned 496-465 BC) in tomb no. 1 of Wanshan (Jianling) (Hubei) helps to better define the boundaries of the Văn Lang kingdom. It would probably be located in the Qui Châu (or GuiZhou) region. However, Henri Maspero challenged this hypothesis in his work titled « The Kingdom of Văn Lang » (BEFEO, vol. XVIII, no. 3).

He attributed to Vietnamese historians the error of confusing the Văn Lang kingdom with that of Ye Lang (or Dạ Lang in Vietnamese), whose name may have been incorrectly transmitted by Chinese historians to their Vietnamese colleagues during the Tang dynasty (nhà Đường). This is not entirely accurate because, in Vietnamese legends, particularly in that of « Phù Ðổng Thiên Vương (or the Celestial Lord of Phù Ðổng village), » it is evident that the Văn Lang kingdom was in armed conflict with the Yin-Shang (Ân-Thương) dynasty during the reign of King Hùng VI and that it was larger than the Ye Lang kingdom found at the time of China’s unification by Qin Shi Huang Di.
 
In the Annals of Viet Nam, the long reign of the Hùng kings (from 2879 to 258 BC) is mentioned. The discovery of bronze objects in Ningxiang (Hu Nan) in the 1960s eliminated any doubt about the existence of centers of civilization contemporary with the Shang, which were ignored by texts in southern China. This is the case, for example, with the Sanxingdui culture (Sichuan) (Di chỉ Tam Tinh Đôi). The bronze wine vessel decorated with anthropomorphic faces clearly testifies to contact established by the Shang with Melanesian-type peoples, as these faces show round human faces with a flat nose. The casting of this bronze used in the making of this vessel requires the incorporation of tin, which northern China did not possess at that time.

Could there have been real contact, an armed conflict between the Shang and the kingdom of Văn Lang if we stick to the legend of the celestial lord of Phù Ðổng? Could we grant truthfulness to a fact reported by a Vietnamese legend? Many Western historians have always seen the Đông Sơn civilization period as the beginning of the formation of the Vietnamese nation (500-700 BC). This is also the shared opinion found in the anonymous historical work « Việt Sử Lược. »

Under the reign of King Zhuang Wang (Trang Vương) of the Zhou (696-691 BC), there was in the Gia Ninh district a strange figure who succeeded in dominating all the tribes with his magic, taking the title Hùng Vương and establishing his capital at Phong Châu. Through hereditary succession, this allowed his lineage to maintain power with 18 kings, all bearing the name Hùng.

On the other hand, in other Vietnamese historical works, a long period of reign was attributed to the Hồng Bàng dynasty (from 2879 to 258 BC) lasting 2622 years. It seems inconceivable if we stick to the number 18, the number of kings during this period, because that would mean each Hùng Vương king reigned on average 150 years. We can only find a satisfactory answer if we accept the hypothesis established by Trần Huy Bá in his presentation published in the journal Nguồn Sáng no 23 on the day of commemoration of the Hùng Vương kings (Ngày giỗ Tổ Hùng Vương) (1998). For him, there is a misinterpretation of the word đời found in the phrase « 18 đời Hùng Vương. » The word « Ðời » should be replaced by the word Thời meaning « period. » (7)

With this hypothesis, there are therefore 18 reign periods, each corresponding to a branch that can be composed of one or several kings in the genealogical tree of the Hồng Bàng dynasty. This argument is reinforced by the fact that King Hùng Vương was elected for his courage and merits, referring to the Vietnamese tradition of choosing men of value for the supreme position. This was reported in the famous legend of the sticky rice cake (Bánh chưng bánh dầy). Thus, the word đời can be justified by the word branch (or chi).

We are led to provide a more coherent explanation for the number 2622 with the following 18 branches found in the work « Văn hoá tâm linh – đất tổ Hùng Vương » by the author Hồng Tử Uyên:

Chi Càn Kinh Dương Vương húy Lộc Túc   
Chi Khảm Lạc Long Quân húy Sùng Lãm
Chi Cấn Hùng Quốc Vương húy Hùng Lân
Chi Chấn Hùng Hoa Vương húy Bửu Lang
Chi Tốn Hùng Hy Vương húy Bảo Lang
Chi Ly Hùng Hồn Vương húy Long Tiên Lang
Chi Khôn Hùng Chiêu Vương húy Quốc Lang
Chi Ðoài Hùng Vĩ Vương húy Vân Lang
Chi Giáp Hùng Ðịnh Vương húy Chân Nhân Lang
………….. manquant dans  le document historique …
Chi Bính Hùng Trinh Vương húy Hưng Ðức Lang
Chi Ðinh Hùng Vũ Vương húy Ðức Hiền Lang
Chi Mậu Hùng Việt Vương húy Tuấn Lang
Chi Kỷ Hùng Anh Vương húy Viên Lang
Chi Canh Hùng Triệu Vương húy Cảnh Chiêu Lang
Chi Tân Hùng Tạo Vương húy Ðức Quân Lang
Chi Nhâm Hùng Nghị Vương húy Bảo Quang Lang
Chi Qúy Hùng Duệ Vương

 

This also allows us to trace the storyline in the armed conflict between the kingdom of Văn Lang and the Shang through the legend of « Phù Ðổng Thiên Vương. » If this conflict took place, it could only have been at the beginning of the Shang dynasty’s reign for several reasons:

1) No Chinese or Vietnamese historical document mentions trade relations between the kingdom of Văn Lang and the Shang. However, contact was noted later between the Zhou dynasty and King Hùng Vương. A silver pheasant (chim trĩ trắng) was even offered by the latter to the king of Zhou according to the work Linh Nam Chích Quái.

2) The Shang dynasty only reigned from 1766 to 1122 BC. There would be approximately a 300-year discrepancy if one attempted to calculate the arithmetic mean of 18 reign periods of the Hùng kings: (2622 / 18) and multiply it by 12 to roughly give a date at the end of the reign of the sixth Hùng branch (Hùng Vương VI), adding 258, the year of the annexation of the Văn Lang kingdom by King An Dương Vương. This would bring us roughly to the year 2006, the end of the reign of the sixth Hùng branch (Hùng Vương VI). It can be deduced that if there was a conflict, it should be at the beginning of the advent of the Shang dynasty. This discrepancy is not entirely unjustified since there has been little historical precision so far beyond the reign of King Chu Lệ Vương (Zhou LiWang) (850 BC).

[Reading more Part 2)]

 

 

 

 

 

Japanese way of tea

Trà đạo

Vietnamese version
French version

Before talking about the Japanese tea ceremony (or chanoyu), it is desirable to mention the origin of tea. Was tea discovered by the Chinese? Probably not, because no wild tea trees are found in China. However, this primitive plant of the same family as the Chinese one (Camellia Sinensis) was found in the northeastern region of India (Assam). Then it was later detected in the wild in the border regions of China such as Tibet, Burma, Sichuan, Yunnan, Vietnam, etc. It is interesting to recall that Sichuan was the kingdom of Shu and Yunnan that of Dian, having a very intimate link with the Lo Yue tribe (the ancestors of today’s Vietnamese). Later, these regions Sichuan and Yunnan as well as Vietnam were conquered and annexed by the Chinese during the Qin and Han dynasties. One is led to conclude that the tea tree is not a product of the Chinese, but they had the merit of domesticating this tea tree so that it would have its full delicious aroma. At first, tea was used by the Chinese as a medicine but it was not adopted in any case as a beverage. Its spread to a large number of users took place during the Tang dynasty (starting from 618).

Tea later became a classic beverage widespread in Chinese society with the appearance of the book titled « The Classic of Tea » by Lu Yu (733-804), intended to teach the Chinese how to prepare tea. It is Lu Yu himself who specified in his book: « The tea plant is a precious plant found in southern China. »

The sage Confucius had the opportunity to speak about the Bai Yue people in the « Analects » to his disciples: The Bai Yue people living south of the Yangtze River have a lifestyle, language, traditions, customs, and specific food. They dedicate themselves to rice cultivation and differ from us who are accustomed to cultivating millet and wheat. They drink water from a kind of plant gathered in the forest known as « tea. » It is interesting to recall that from the Qin-Han era onwards, there existed an imperial institution composed of local scholars (the fanshi) considered magicians specialized in star rites and government recipes. Their role was to collect, each within their own territory, ritual procedures, beliefs, local medicines, systems of representations, cosmologies, myths, legends as well as local products and submit them to political authority.

It could either retain them or not and incorporate them in the form of regulations with the aim of increasing imperial power within an ethnologically very diverse nation and providing the emperor with the means for his divine vocation. This is why there were baseless Chinese legends about the tea plant, one involving Bodhidharma, the legendary founder of Chinese Zen religion, and the other involving Shen Nong, the divine Chinese farmer. To resist sleepiness during his meditation, the former cut off his eyelids and threw them to the ground. From this piece of flesh, the very first tea plant of humanity immediately sprang forth. It is certain that Zen monks were the first to use tea to resist sleep and maintain a relaxed and serene mind during their meditation. As for Shen Nong, it was by chance that while resting under the shade of a shrub (tea plant), some of its leaves fell into his bowl of hot water. From that day, he knew how to prepare tea (around 3000 BCE) in his very ancient work « Bencao Jing » dedicated to Chinese medicine. However, this book was written during the Han dynasty (25 – 225 CE). Moreover, it is known that he was buried in Changsha in the Bai Yue region. Was he really of Chinese origin? It would have been impossible for him to travel at that time if he were.

He was obviously part of the Bai Yue because his name, although written in Chinese characters, still retains a structure coming from the Yue (normally, Nong Shen should be written in Chinese characters). The Chinese place great importance on the quality of tea.
Tencha

They consider tea preparation as an art. That is why they are interested not only in selecting the highest quality teas but also in the accessories necessary for preparation (teapots, spring water, filtered or potable water, etc.) in order to achieve a specific, delicious, and light taste. As for the Japanese, tea preparation is considered a ritual because they learned about tea and its preparation from Zen monks. They elevate tea preparation as « an art of Zen living » while more or less maintaining Shinto influence. With the four fundamental principles of the way of tea: Harmony (wa), Respect (Kei), Purity (Sei), Tranquility (Jaku), the guest has the opportunity to fully free themselves while maintaining a harmonious sharing not only with nature, the accessories used in tea preparation, the place of the ceremony but also with the host and other guests. Upon crossing the threshold of the ceremony room measuring 4 tatami mats, the guest can speak more easily to anyone (who could be a monk, a noble, or even a deity) without distinguishing social class, in an egalitarian spirit.

The guest recognizes the quiddity of life, in particular the truth of their own person through respect towards everyone and everything (such as the instruments of chanoyu). Their self-love is no longer present within them, but only a kind of feeling of consideration or respect towards others remains. Their state of mind will be serene when their five senses are no longer sullied. This is the case when they contemplate a painting (kakemono) in the alcove of the room (tokonoma) or flowers in a pot (ikebana) with their eyes. They smell the pleasant aromatic scent through their nose. They hear the sound caused by water heated on a charcoal brazier. They handle the chanoyu instruments (tea scoop, chasen, tea bowl (chawan), etc.) in an orderly manner and moisten their mouth with sips of tea. Thus, all their five senses become pure. Tranquility (jaku) is the result that the tea drinker finds at the end of these three fundamental principles mentioned above, once their state of mind has found complete refuge in serenity now, whether they live amidst the crowd or not. Tranquility is interpreted as a virtue that transcends the cycle of life. It allows them to live and contemplate life in an ordinary world where their presence is no longer necessary.

The guest realizes that the way of tea is not so simple because it involves many rules to be able to drink good tea or not, but it is also an effective means of bringing tranquility to the mind to allow one to reach inner illumination in meditation.

Sen no Rikyu


For the tea master Sen no Rikyu, who had the merit of establishing the protocols for preparing tea, the way of drinking tea is very simple: boil water, then make the tea and drink it in the correct manner.

The way of tea is a sequence of events organized in a scrupulous and careful manner. This ceremony has a maximum of 4 guests and one host. They must walk through the garden of the place where the ceremony takes place. They must perform purification (wash their hands, rinse their mouth) before entering a modest cubic room usually located at the corner of the garden through a very low door. All guests must lower their heads to enter with respect and humility. In the past, to cross the threshold of this door, the samurai had to leave his sword outside the door before meeting the host. It is here that all guests can admire the interior of the room as well as the instruments for tea preparation. They can follow the protocol phases of tea preparation.

Each event carries such a particular significance that the guest recognizes at every important moment of the ceremony. It can be said that the way of tea brings harmony between the host and their guests and shortens not only the distance separating man from the sky but also that between the guests. This is why in the world of samurai, there is the following proverb: « Once, a meeting » (Ichigo, ichie) because no encounter is the same. This allows us to be like the samurai of old, in the present moment to savor and slow down each instant with our loved ones and friends.

[Return JAPON]

 

 

 

Han Wu Di (Eastern Han timeline , VA)

 

Niên đại nhà Đông Hán

Vietnamese version
French version

In the territories conquered by the Han, especially in southern China, sinicization continued at full speed. That is why revolts first followed one another in the kingdom of Dian (86, 83 BC, from 40 to 45 AD). They were harshly suppressed. These uprisings were largely due to the abuses of Han officials and the behavior of Chinese settlers who took possession of fertile lands and pushed local populations into the remote corners of their territory. Moreover, these populations had to adopt the language, customs, and religious beliefs of the sons of Han.

The revolt of the two sisters Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị


In the year 40, a serious rebellion broke out in the Jiaozhou province (or Giao Châu in Vietnamese), which at that time included part of the territories of Kouang Si (Quảng Tây) and Kouang Tong (Quảng Đông). It was led by the daughters of a local prefect, Trưng Trắc (Zheng Cè), the elder, and Trưng Nhị (Zheng Èr), the younger. Since the elder’s husband Shi Suo (Thi Sách) opposed the Chinese assimilation policy brutally enforced by the Chinese proconsul Tô Định (Su Ding), the latter did not hesitate to execute him as an example against the Yue insurgents, notably the Vietnamese. This exemplary execution outraged the Trưng sisters and immediately triggered the insurrection movement in the Yue territories. The two Trưng sisters managed to capture 65 citadels in a very short time. They proclaimed themselves queens over the conquered territories and established themselves in Meiling (or Mê Linh). In the year 41, they were defeated by General Ma Yuan (Mã Viện, Phục Ba Tướng Quân) (Tamer of the Waves) and chose suicide over surrender by throwing themselves into the Hát River.

They thus became the symbol of the Vietnamese resistance. They continue to be revered today not only in Vietnam but also in certain areas of the Yue territories of China (Guangxi and Guangdong). Ma Yuan began to implement a policy of terror and forced Sinicization by placing trusted Chinese men at all levels of administration and imposing Chinese as the official language throughout the Vietnamese territory. This was the first Chinese domination lasting nearly 1000 years before the liberation war initiated by General Ngô Quyền. Meanwhile, Guangwudi succeeded in bringing prosperity and stability to his empire by reducing the tax from one-tenth to one-thirtieth of the harvests and profits. After his death, his son, analogous to Han Wudi, Emperor Mingdi, continued the expansion policy by launching an offensive against the northern Xiongnu with the aim of freeing the Central Asian states from their control and restoring the security of the Silk Road for the benefit of China. General Ban Chao (Ban Siêu), brother of the historian Ban Gu of that time, was in charge of this military expedition. He succeeded in reaching the Caspian Sea and subjugating the Yuezhi with the help of the Kusana.

From the year 91, Mingdi’s China controlled the caravan routes of the Silk Road in the Tarim Basin. Through this route, Mingdi’s envoys brought back from Tianzu (Tây Vực) the effigies of Buddha after the emperor had seen them in his dream. Buddhism thus began to be introduced into China with the establishment of the White Horse Temple (Chùa Bạch Mã). China was separated only from the Roman Empire (Da Qin) by the Parthian kingdom (ancient Persia). Despite his territorial exploits, Mingdi (Minh Đế) did not leave in the Han historiography the image of a brilliant emperor like his father Guangwudi or his son Zhandi (75-88), adorned with all virtues, because during his reign, a peasant revolt took place in the year 60 due to the burden of corvée labor, public works for the consolidation of the Yellow River dikes, and the construction of the new Northern Palace, which was considered excessive and costly. Lacking stature, Zhandi’s successors were unable to follow the path of their predecessors.

They became pawns in court intrigues led by eunuchs and literate officials, while in the provinces, landowners began to usurp governmental prerogatives and raise private armies. The disintegration of the Han Empire became increasingly inevitable. In the year 189, the massacre of 2,000 eunuchs ordered by the military leader Yuan Shao (Viên Thiệu) clearly illustrated the disorder in the Han court. This slaughter was followed by the deposition of Emperor Shaodi (Hán Thiếu Đế) by the cruel general Dong Zhuo (Đổng Trác). This led to a period of turmoil and political disorder where each military leader tried his luck to seize the empire. Three generals, Cao Cao (Tào Tháo), Liu Bei (Lưu Bị), and Sun Quan (Tôn Kiên), who stood out among these military men and became famous for their victories, shared the Han Empire for nearly a century. This marked the end of the centralized state and the beginning of the Three Kingdoms period (Tam Quốc).

Chronology of the Eastern Han (Đông Hán)

25-57: Reign of Guangwu
57-75: Reign of Mingdi
75-88: Reign of Zhandi
88-106: Reign of Heidi
106: Reign of Shangdi
106-125: Reign of Andi
125: Reign of Shaodi
125-144: Reign of Chongdi
145-146: Reign of Zhidi
146-168: Reign of Huandi
168-189: Reign of Lingdi
184: Yellow Turban Rebellion
189: Deposition of Shaodi
189-220: Reign of Xiandi
190: Rise and power of General Cao Cao (Tào Tháo)
220: Death of Cao Cao and Xiandi
End of the Han dynasty
220-316: Period of the Three Kingdoms (Tam Quốc)


It is a dynasty that, after four centuries (from 206 BC to 220 AD) of its existence, opened the door of its empire to Confucianism. As a philosophical doctrine, it has left modern China a spiritual and moral heritage that continues to have a significant influence on millions of Asians. It is also a period rich in events and artistic and scientific innovations in a China that was both radiant and conquering. This is why the Chinese feel more than ever that they are the Sons of Han, as the latter gave them a crucial moment in the formation and radiance of their identity.


[Return HAN DYNASTY]

Han Wu Di (Western Han timeline , VA)

 

Vietnamese version
French version


202 BC: Liu Bang proclaims himself emperor. (Gaozu)
195 BC: Death of Gaozu.
198-188 BC: Reign of Huidi. (Hán Huệ Đế)
188-180 BC: Regency of Lu Hou (Lữ Hậu)
180-157 BC: Reign of Wendi. (Hán Văn Đế)
157-141 BC: Reign of Jindi. (Hán Cảnh Đế)
154 BC: Rebellion of the Seven Kingdoms.
141-87 BC: Reign of Wudi. (Hán Vũ Đế)
87-74 BC: Reign of Zhaodi. (Hán Chiêu Đế)
80-68 BC: Regency of General Huo Guang
74 BC: 27-day reign of Liu He, deposed emperor.
74-48 BC: Reign of Xuandi. (Hán Tuyên Đế)
48-33 BC: Reign of Yuandi. (Hán Nguyên Đế)
33-7 BC: Reign of Chengdi (Hán Thành Đế)
7-1 BC: Reign of Aidi. (Hán Ai Đế)
1 BC – 5 AD: Reign of the young emperor Pingdi, poisoned by Wang Mang. (Hậu Phế Đế)


Once in power, Wang Mang (Vương Mãng) initiated a series of monetary (three times in 9, 10, and 14 AD) and economic reforms in the country. The classes most affected were the nobles and merchants because with each currency change, the old coins were exchanged for new ones at a less favorable rate, which led people to produce counterfeit coins instead of losing value during the exchange. Counterfeiting was severely punished. However, the peasants were not affected by this reform because they sold their grains in small quantities to buy necessary goods in the market and had no concerns regarding cash. From then on, Wang Mang earned the hatred of the nobles and wealthy merchants, but according to the Swedish sinologist H. Bielenstein, at the time the economic reforms were implemented, the real cause of his downfall was a series of natural disasters (drought, flooding, locusts) leading first to famine, then banditry, rebellion, and finally civil war. The flooding caused a large migration of populations living in the disaster-stricken areas.

This disaster led the starving refugees to band together in groups, pillaging the regions they passed through and rising up against the government troops supposed to suppress them. Known as the Red Eyebrows (Xích Mi) because they dyed their eyebrows red, these hordes soon achieved their first victory in the year 22 and began to invade other western regions. Meanwhile, there were revolts led by the Han aristocracy, but they were all suppressed and harshly crushed because they lacked popular support. It took thirteen years of civil war for the Liu clan to regain confidence in Liu Xiu (or Lưu Tú), a talented and magnanimous figure later known as Guangwu (Hán Quang Vũ Đế) to restore the empire and the Han dynasty.

This marks the beginning of the Eastern Han period (Đông Hán). Upon his rise to power, he continuously acted in favor of the poor and slaves. Unlike Wudi, he pursued a policy of non-intervention in vassal states. Yet it was he who later sent Ma Yuan (Mã Viên) to suppress the rebellion of the Trưng sisters, Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị, in the territory of the Yue. He was considered one of the great emperors of the Han dynasty alongside Wudi by historians.

During archaeological excavations, it is known that the Han descendants were ahead of the Romans in several fields at that time. They were the first to invent a product that allowed them to convey their thoughts and knowledge. They often called it « zhi » or (giấy or paper in French). In 105 AD, a eunuch named Cai Lun (Thái Luân) from the imperial court, observing how wasps used to chew wood fibers in building their cardboard nests, had the idea to imitate them and thus invented paper, which was later presented to Emperor Hedi (Hán Hòa Đế) of the Eastern Han dynasty (Đông Hán). Archaeology has recently contradicted this version because fragments of paper made from plant fibers have been found that are clearly older than Cai Lun’s time, some dating back to the reign of Wudi and others excavated from tombs at the end of the Western Han and the beginning of the Eastern Han. It is very common to find chronological inconsistencies that the Chinese deliberately wanted to introduce into their traditional history established until then by the dynasties, particularly those of Qin and Han, in Confucian orthodoxy and in the period of conquest and annexation of new territories if one continues to have a Cartesian mindset.

Chinese demiurges such as Fuxi (Phục Hi), Nuwa (Nữ Oa), Pangu (Bàn Cổ), Shennong (Thần Nông) were borrowed from southern populations. This is the case of the great Chinese scholar Ruey Yih-Fu, who sees in Fuxi and Nuwa a specific cultural trait of the Nan Man (Man Di) (Southern Barbarians), or that of Le Blanc, the translator of Huainanzi (Hoài Nam Tử). For the latter, the Fuxi-Nuwa cycle is a tradition of the kingdom of Chu (Sỡ Quốc). The sons of Han even introduced into their literature a creation myth of Pangu collected from the ancestors of Yao (Baptandier). The Chinese archaeologist Yan Wenming describes this as the unique product of multiple origins, or one must be like the famous sinologist Chang Kwang-Chih to speak of a phenomenon within a sphere of cultural interaction.

Until then, the sons of Han wrote with a brush or ink made from soot on wooden tablets, silk boards, or bamboo. It seems that according to some archaeologists, the manufacturing method that Cai Lun presented to Emperor Heidi in the year 105 was only the synthesis and improvement of previous experiences aimed at facilitating the gradual replacement of silk and bamboo by paper, which was less expensive in the face of increasing demands of that time.

Structure of the Tombs

At the beginning of the Western Han period, vertical pit tombs were still numerous. This architectural tradition is illustrated by the tombs of the Marquise Dai at Mawangdui, near Changsha (Hunan), those of Dabaotai near Beijing, and Fenghuangshan near Jiangling (Hebei). These were gradually replaced over the years by the horizontal tomb model that spread throughout the Han empire.

Many factors contributed to this change and gave funerary art a new brilliance. Besides the imposing dimensions of the burials, there is the richness of their funerary furnishings and the religious beliefs linked to the Han’s transition to the afterlife. For this reason, princes, nobles, large landowners, army officers, and wealthy merchants did not hesitate to display the privileges of their social position and function, which they hoped to maintain in the afterlife (renxun), and to show their fervor of piety and devotion towards the deceased by attempting to provide everything needed through funerary objects (or mingqi) (spiritual objects) (Minh Khí). Those produced under the Han reign were particularly refined. Endowed with symbolic meaning, they included miniature models of ritual vessels and musical instruments intended for rites and ceremonies, as well as agricultural buildings or dwellings.

Techniques and inventions under the Han

Under the Han, the Chinese wrote a lot: government reports, poems, historical accounts, a gigantic dictionary, and a nationwide census in the year 2 AD with 57,671,400 inhabitants. At the beginning of the Eastern Han, hemp paper, of poor quality, was used to wrap fish. From the 3rd century onwards, paper became the main writing medium in China. When the emperor traveled on his chariot, he was protected from the sun and rain by a circular canopy that could be closed thanks to a system of sliding metal ribs.

It is known that the sons of the Han used the wheelbarrow and pulley to move goods, while in agriculture, they used the treadle hammer to grind grains and ores. It was under the Han reign that the Chinese used water wheels for various purposes. Thanks to contact with the northern barbarians, the Xiongnu, Chinese artisans borrowed techniques from them, which they managed to master and produce objects of exceptional quality. This was discovered during excavations in princely tombs with chariot ornaments, tableware, jewelry, belt buckles, etc.

To guard against calamities such as earthquakes, the Chinese scholar Zhang Heng invented in 132 AD the world’s first seismometer to alert the Han court and indicate the direction of the earthquake’s epicenter. The invention of the odometer also belonged to him, along with the first rotating celestial globe. Porcelain was born in China, whose purity and whiteness justify the name given to it by the Italians in the 15th century as « la coquille nacrée (porcellana). » The main element in the composition of porcelain is kaolin, known during the Eastern Han period. Under their reign, porcelain began to experience significant growth. During the Western Han and earlier periods (the Warring States), the Chinese were able to create geographic maps painted on silk and stored in boxes. Sent by Prince Dan of Yan during the Spring and Autumn period (Xuân Thu), the hero Jing Ke planned to use a folded map to conceal a dagger and assassinate Qin Shi Huang Di. It was only in 1973 that the existence of these maps was discovered in tomb No. 3 of Mawangdui (168 BC). These (2 maps and a city plan) thus constitute the oldest maps in China and in the world. In the field of astronomy, Han China experienced remarkable development.

The astronomy text discovered in tomb 3 of Mawangdui (168 BC) accurately reports observations related to the movement of the five planets during the period 246-177 BC. The complete journey of Saturn across the sky is counted as 30 years, a figure not far from the 29.46 years given by today’s astronomers.

Jade is one of the most difficult stones to work with. Yet since the Neolithic period, Chinese lapidaries managed to skillfully carve jade, probably using quartzite pastes or garnets, which gives it exceptional artistic value with rings, circles, representations of dragons, etc. During the Shang period (Thương Ân dynasty), jade was intended purely for ornamental purposes. This is what archaeologists discovered in the tomb of Queen Fu Hao (755 jades found).

Then during the Western Zhou period, it became customary to cover the deceased with masks and breastplates made of several pieces. This is a sign of distinction or nobility by placing breastplates on the body of the deceased dressed in decorated silk. The masks and shrouds were not intended for decorative purposes but had a religious function in the quest for immortality under the Han.

Small jade amulets were used to seal the nine orifices of the deceased’s body to allow their spirit to live in the afterlife. However, the role of the jade bi, placed on the forehead of the King of Nanyue, Zhao Mo (Triệu Muội), is unknown. The shrouds of Emperor Wudi’s brother, Liu Shen, and his wife, Princess Dou Wan, found in Mancheng and composed of 2,498 jade plaques of various sizes sewn with gold thread, testify to the perfect mastery of Chinese lapidaries in creating such shrouds and luxurious ornamental objects from the Han period.

The Chinese were accustomed to lacquering a wide variety of supports. Some lacquered objects, notably a red wooden cup found in a tomb in Zhejiang, reveal their extraordinary craftsmanship as early as the Neolithic period (5th-4th millennia BCE). It should be noted that this region belonged to the kingdom of Wu (Ngô Việt), part of the ancient territory of the Baiyue before being annexed by the kingdom of Chu, which was later conquered by Qin Shi Huang Di during the unification of the empire. Is this their craftsmanship or that of the Bai Yue? In any case, following the example of the kingdom of Chu, the sons of Han demonstrate perfect mastery in the art of bending wood, creating original and stylized works of high quality that leave archaeologists speechless with admiration during their excavations.

These lacquers recall the motifs and intricate designs found on bronze vessels. They succeeded in making lacquer the flagship product under the Han dynasty. It is known that lacquered objects buried in tombs can be preserved for tens of centuries thanks to the presence of an enzyme acting as a protein catalyst (urushiol) on the thin film of the objects, which is heat-resistant and impermeable to water and corrosive acids. More than a hundred lacquered objects (trays, cups with ear-shaped handles (erbei), vases, etc.) have been unearthed at Mawangdui near Changsha (Hunan). Other original works in very good condition were recovered from the tomb of Marquis Yi of Zeng at Leigudun (Hubei).

Bibliographic references:

  • La Chine des Han. Histoire et civilisation. Office du Livre. 1982
  • Splendeur des Han. Essor de l’empire céleste. Editeur Flammarion. 2014
  • Chine ancienne. Des origines à la dynastie des Tang. Maurio Scarpari. Gründ.
  • Trésors de Chine millénaires mais intacts. National Geographic. Octobre 2001
  • La dynastie des Han. Vingt siècles d’influence sur la société chinoise. National Geographic. Février 2004.
  • Chine. La gloire des empereurs. Paris Musées. Editions Findakly.
  • La Chine des premiers empereurs. Editions Atlas. 1991
  • Splendeurs des Han. Essor de l’empire céleste. Editions des Beaux Arts. 2014.

Chronologie des Han orientaux

Han Wu Di empire: Art of living (VA)

 

Version vietnamienne

Version française

Under the Han dynasty, Chinese society was structured in such a way that only the literati and peasants were well respected compared to artisans and merchants, according to the Hanshu by Ban Gu in the 1st century. Yet, it was only the latter who benefited from the empire’s economic system despite a large number of restrictions imposed by the imperial power. The multiplication of private enterprises and the opening of trade routes (such as the Silk Road) allowed them to enrich themselves easily. They sold commodities and luxurious superfluous goods highly prized by the Han aristocracy and landowners. Thanks to funerary art, we are led to draw useful lessons about the art of living as well as entertainment of that era. Silk was reserved for the court, nobility, and officials, while linen was for the people, in their traditional costume adorned with accessories illustrating their social status. Silk experienced remarkable growth because it was the subject of luxury trade but was also used in the tribute system for the Xiongnu and vassal states. In 1 BC, silk gifts reached their maximum with 370 garments, 30,000 rolls of silk fabrics, and 30,000 jin of silk floss. Merchants took advantage of exchanges to launch a lucrative trade with foreigners, particularly with the Parthians and the Romans.

Private workshops competed with imperial workshops.
Funerary banner found in Madame Dai’s coffin

This encouraged silk production and increased regional diversity. The weaving demonstrates a high level of technical skill, as a silk shirt measuring 1.28 meters long with a wingspan of 1.90 meters found in the tomb of Marquise Dai weighed only 49 grams. Besides the silk banner covering the deceased’s coffin and decorated with paintings illustrating Taoist cosmology, silk manuscripts were also discovered (Yijing (Di Kinh), two copies of Daodejing (Đạo Đức Kinh), two medical treatises, and two texts on Yin-Yang, as well as three maps in one of the three Mawangdui tombs, some written in a mixture of lishu (scribe script) and xiaozhuan (small seal script) dating from the reign of Gaozu (Hán Cao Tổ), others entirely in lishu dating from the reign of Wendi. Despite its high cost, silk was preferred because it is more manageable, lighter, and easier to transport compared to wooden tablets. Under the Han, lacquerware, whose craftsmanship is still considered refined, began to fill the homes of the wealthy. These, imitating the aristocracy of the Chu kingdom, used lacquered wooden tableware, most often red on the inside and black on the outside with enhanced painted motifs; these colors corresponded well to those of Yin (black) and Yang (red).

The same applies to trays and boxes intended for storing folded clothes, toiletries, manuscripts, etc. For princely families, jade replaces lacquer. As for the common people, ceramics are used along with wood for their tableware. Resembling individual circular or rectangular trays, low tables, generally on legs, are used to serve meals. These are well stocked with dishes, chopsticks (kuaizi), spoons, ear-handled cups (erbei) for drinking water and alcohol. Regarding staple foods, millet and rice are the most appreciated cereals.

Millet is reserved for festive days in northern China, while rice, a product of the ancient kingdom of Chu, is confined to southern China as it is considered a luxury product. For the poor, wheat and soybeans remain dominant in their meals. Chinese cuisine is roughly the same as it was during the Qin era. Geng, a type of stew, remains the traditional Chinese dish where pieces of meat and vegetables are mixed. However, following territorial expansion and the arrival and acclimatization of new products from other parts of the empire, innovations gradually begin to appear in the making of noodles, steamed dishes, and cakes made from wheat flour.

The same applies to trays and boxes intended for storing folded clothes, toiletries, manuscripts, etc. For princely families, jade replaces lacquer. As for common people, ceramics are used along with wood for their tableware. Similar to individual circular or rectangular trays, low tables, generally with legs, are used for serving meals. These are well stocked with dishes, chopsticks (kuaizi), spoons, ear-handled cups (erbei) for drinking water and alcohol. Regarding staple foods, millet and rice are the most appreciated cereals.

Millet is reserved for festive days in northern China, while rice, a product of the ancient kingdom of Chu, is confined to southern China as it is considered a luxury product. For the poor, wheat and soybeans remain dominant in their meals. Chinese cuisine is roughly the same as it was during the Qin era. Geng, a type of stew, remains the traditional Chinese dish where pieces of meat and vegetables are mixed. However, following territorial expansion and the arrival and acclimatization of new products from other parts of the empire, innovations gradually begin to appear in the making of noodles, steamed dishes, as well as cakes made from wheat flour.

Roasting, boiling, frying, stewing, and steaming are among the cooking methods. The mat is used for sitting by all social classes until the end of the dynasty. It is held in place at the four corners by small bronze weights shaped like curled-up animals: tigers, leopards, deer, sheep, etc. To alleviate the discomfort caused by kneeling on the heels, lacquered wooden backrests or armrests are used. The mat is also used in central and southern China by modest people for sleeping. However, in northern China, because of the cold, one must use a kang, a kind of earthen bed covered with bricks and topped with mats and blankets. Beneath this kang, there is a system of pipes that distribute heat maintained from a stove located inside or outside the house.

Leisure and pleasures were not forgotten either during the Han period.

Thanks to texts, we know that the musical tradition of Chu held an important place in the Han court, which continued to appreciate it. According to the French sinologist J.P. Diény, the Han preferred above all other music that which made one cry. The favorite themes in songs revolved around separation, the passage of time, and pleasures.

It is in the princely tombs that one discovers the figurines of dancers (mingqi) (minh khí). These reveal, through their gestures, the skill of tracing arabesques in the air with the long sleeves of their robes. The dances, based on the movements of the garments caused by the twisting of the body and the arms, give the dancer, accompanied by sometimes melancholic singing, a vivid portrait of Han choreographic art. For the latter, the family is, in the Confucian conception, the basic unit of the social system around which ancestor worship, rites, banquets, and weddings take place, providing throughout the year many occasions and pretexts for music to accompany them and make life harmonious. Being symbols of authority and power, bronze chimes cannot be absent. They are frequently used in ritual ceremonies but also in court music. Thanks to archaeological excavations, it is known that the life of Han princely courts was punctuated by banquets, games, and concerts accompanied by dances and acrobatics. As for entertainment, it was reserved exclusively for men. Liubo (a kind of chess game) was one of the most popular games of the time, along with dice games that could have up to 18 faces. It is better to play than to remain idle, this is the advice of Confucius given in his « Analects. »

Unlike the archaeology of earlier periods, that of the Han allows us to access the realm of the intimate, such as women’s makeup. They used foundation made from rice powder or white lead to paint their faces. Red spots were applied on the cheekbones, dark circles under the eyes, beauty marks on the cheek, a touch of color on the lips, etc. The education of the young was a priority during the Han period. From childhood, obedience, politeness, and respect for elders were instilled. At ten years old, the boy began receiving lessons from a teacher. He had to study the Analects of Confucius (Lunyu), the Classic of Filial Piety (Xiao jing), etc., before moving on between the ages of fifteen and twenty to reading the Classics. Considered inferior to men, women were obliged from a young age to learn silk work, cooking, and to possess the major qualities taught to them: gentleness, humility, self-control. They had to submit to the three obediences (Tam Tòng): as a child to their father, as a wife to their husband, as a widow to their son. They could be married around 14-15 years old to ensure the continuity of the family lineage. Despite these Confucian constraints, women continued to exercise real power within the family structure, particularly in the relationship between mother and son.

The concern to honor the deceased led the Han, particularly those of the West, to create extravagant tombs and true treasures such as jade burial suits in the quest for immortality. This is the case with the tomb of Emperor Wudi’s father, Han Jing Di. So far, archaeologists have already extracted more than 40,000 funerary objects around the emperor’s mound. It is expected that this entire funerary complex will yield between 300,000 and 500,000 objects because, besides the mound, there are two distinct pits left to explore: those of the empress and the emperor’s favorite concubine, Li. According to a Chinese archaeologist in charge of this exploration, it is not the number of objects discovered that is important, but rather the significance of each of the findings recovered in this funerary complex. It is believed that the Western Han were accustomed to valuing truly grandiose funerary monuments despite their frugality, revealed through a series of objects that are much smaller than those found in Qin tombs.

 

Chronologie des Han occidentaux (Suite)

Han Princes Tombs

Vietnamese version
French version

Similar to their predecessor Qin Shi Huang Di, the emperors of the Han dynasty sent emissaries during their reign in search of paradisiacal places with the aim of seeking immortality and accessing the divine world. These mythical lands are often associated with Penglai Island (đảo Bồng Lai) located to the east and Mount Kunlun (Côn Lôn) to the west in the beliefs of the Han era. It is the mountain where the Queen Mother of the West (Tây Vương Mẫu) (Xiwangmu) resides, who possessed the elixir of immortality. This is why her presence is recurrently found in the decoration of Han tombs. This testifies not only to her popularity but also to the Taoist conception related to the prolongation of life beyond death. According to some unverified and unjustified rumors, Zhang Qian was initially tasked by Wudi to search for immortality recipes near Mount Kunlun, the western abode of the immortals. Always dressed in a long tunic, they have an elongated and angular face, a wide mouth above a pointed chin, arched eyebrows, and large ears, which gives them a rather strange silhouette and an emaciated appearance. Once the dao is reached, they have wings on their shoulders. In the Taoist conception of the afterlife, to preserve the physical integrity of the deceased and the immortality of their soul, the nine orifices of their body must be sealed with gold and jade pieces (mouth, ears, eyes, nostrils, urethra, rectum).

Then the deceased must be made to wear a mask or a jade suit whose use is governed by a very strict hierarchical protocol. For emperors, the jade suit is sewn with gold threads. As for kings and other less important dignitaries, their jade suit only has threads of silver or copper. The use of the suit reflects the Han belief in the soul’s perpetuity in the afterlife because jade is attributed with apotropaic properties that help promote the soul’s immortality.

During the Han period, the dualistic conception of the soul was mentioned in several Chinese texts such as the Huainanzi by Liu An (Hoài Nam Tử). Each individual has two souls: one called hun that goes to heaven and the other called po that physically disappears with the deceased. To prevent the hun soul from escaping through the facial orifices, the mask or suit proves indispensable.

Is this dualistic conception of the soul truly Chinese or borrowed from another civilization, that of the Baiyue? It is found among the Mường, the cousins of the Vietnamese, living in the most remote corners of the mountainous regions of Vietnam. For the Mường, there are several souls in a human being which they call wại. These are divided into two categories: wại kang (the splendid souls) and wại thặng (the hard souls). The former are superior and immortal while the latter, attached to the body, are evil. Death is only the consequence of the escape of these souls.

It is important to recall that the culture of the kingdom of Chu (Sỡ Quốc), conquered by Qin Shi Huang Di during the unification of China, had a particular originality, its own language, that of the Bai Yue. From the Qin-Han period onwards, there existed an imperial institution, the fangshi, who were local scholars considered magicians specialized in star rites and government recipes.

Their role was to collect, each in their own territory, ritual procedures, beliefs, local medicines, systems of representation, cosmologies, myths, legends, as well as local products, and submit them to the political authority so that it could decide whether to retain them or not and incorporate them in the form of regulations with the aim of increasing imperial power in an ethnologically very diverse nation and providing the emperor with the means for his divine vocation. Everything had to be collected and added to the service of the Son of Heaven in order to establish his legitimacy over recently conquered barbarian territories.

___This is one of the characteristic traits of Chinese culture: It knows how to accept and absorb foreign cultures without ever showing signs of wavering or cultural modifications.___

This is what the famous 20th-century Chinese philosopher Liang Shuming wrote in the introduction to his work entitled « The Main Ideas of Chinese Culture » (translation by Michel Masson). This echoes the following remark made by the French ethnologist and sinologist Brigitte Baptandier in her conference text during an APRAS study day on regional ethnologies in Paris in 1993:

Chinese culture thus formed over the centuries as a kind of mosaic of cultures. It requires a slow infusion of barbarian blood into China, adapting this beautiful phrase of the historian F. Braudel for France with the barbarians.


The Boshanlu incense burners (incense burners shaped like Mount Bo) were meant to represent the mythical mountains bathed in clouds and qi vapors (vital cosmic energy). The popularity of these incense burners was largely due to Han thought on immortality and the cult of sacred mountains.

Boshanlu


According to the estimate of the dean of Chinese archaeologists Wang Zhongsu, since 1949 more than 10,000 tombs have been excavated from the Han dynasty alone. Thanks to major archaeological discoveries from the tombs of Lady Dai and her son at Mawangdui (Changsha, Hunan) (168 BC), or the tomb of Emperor Jindi’s son, Prince Han Liu Sheng and his wife Dou Wan (Mancheng, Hebei) (113 BC), as well as the tomb of Zhao Mo, grandson of Zhao Tuo and king of Nanyue (Xianggang, Guangzhou) (120 BC), archaeologists have begun to better understand Han art through thousands of exceptional objects made of jade, iron, and bronze, ceramics, lacquerware, etc. These testify to the opulence and power of the princely courts under the Han. They are sometimes unique specimens revealing not only exquisite technical craftsmanship and the preciousness of the materials but also regional particularities.

During the excavations, archaeologists observed that there is a break in Chinese art, a profound change historically corresponding to the development of the unified empires (Qin and Han) and contact with foreign influences. The presence of secular objects, particularly bronze vessels commonly found during the Zhou period, gave way to the development of figurative art and pictorial representations. There is undoubtedly a notable influence from other cultural spheres in the field of Han art, especially in material culture. From then on, ancestor worship no longer took place in temples as it had during the Bronze Age but occurred within the tombs and in sanctuaries near them. Moreover, like Emperor Qin Shi Huang Di, the Han emperors and their princes tended to make the tomb a replica of their earthly royal residence.

This concept dates back to the Zhou period and was frequently illustrated in the funerary practices of the elites of the Chu kingdom. Similar to the latter, the Han believed in the soul’s continuity in the afterlife. The vision of death was considered a continuation of life. This belief remains alive today in China during the Qingming Festival, with sacrifices offered to ancestors: fake money and funerary objects burned.

It is for this reason that during excavations, everything they owned in their lifetime is found: favorite objects, terracotta figurines representing their household staff, as well as jade shrouds intended to reduce death to nothingness. The imperial tombs of the Han are marked by the presence of a high artificial mound located within a rectangular enclosure where the burials and ancillary pits are also found. The structure of their tombs becomes increasingly complex and often rivals that of their palaces, with separate pits each having a distinct function (storehouse, stable, kitchen, banquet hall, etc.). This is the case of the Liu Qi site, known as Emperor Jindi, and his wife, Empress Wang, in the suburb of Xi’an. It is in these pits that luxury items (vases, basins, incense burners, mirrors, weights for mats, cauldrons, lamps, daggers, etc.) or everyday items (grains, fabrics, meat, etc.) of the deceased are found, leaving archaeologists dumbfounded and silent with admiration, alongside terracotta figurines (or mingqi). These can be either figurines of domestic animals or human statuettes.

Thanks to the Silk Road and Chinese expansion, a large number of regional artistic traditions, foreign fashions, and new products contributed to the artistic flourishing of the Han. Cosmopolitanism certainly played an important role at that time.

The splendor of luxury objects found in tombs reveals not only the grandeur and refinement of princely courts but also a taste for exoticism. The dances and music of Chu, the songs of Dian, and the art of Central Asian minstrels renew the court’s entertainment. Contacts with the arts of the steppe promote the enrichment of the decorative repertoire.

Similar to jade, bronze was one of the materials highly prized by the Chinese. During the Han period, the popularity of bronze began to decline because for ancestor worship, there was no longer a need for complete sets of ritual bronze vessels, and lacquer objects imitating those of the kingdom of Chu were preferred instead. The latter had frequently decorated them with motifs or figures of great imagination according to its own mythology during the Warring States period.

Despite the visible decline in the tombs of Han princes, bronze was still widely used in chariot ornaments and luxury objects found

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