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Bronze drums (Part 2,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Histoire, Vietnam

 

soleil_dongsonThe star appears in the center of the drums

Bronze drums debates

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In this important study on bronze drums, he distinguishes 4 main types:

In type I, the bronze drum is of imposing size. It consists of three distinct parts: a conical base, a straight or slightly inclined cylindrical body, and a bulging part (or tang in Vietnamese) that ends at the meeting point of the drumhead with an edge. For Heger type I drums belonging to the last period of the Bronze Age and dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, various motifs (figures, birds, boats, stilt houses) and concentric zones with a raised star in the center with a number of rays appear on the drumhead (Ngọc Lũ, Hoàng Hạ, Sông Ðà, Thựơng Lâm, Quảng Xương, etc.). Its resonating body has 4 pairs of handles.

In type II, the drumhead overhangs its bulging part which, together with its slightly flared straight part towards the bottom, forms the resonating body of the drum. Moreover, it has only two pairs of handles. These drums have been discovered in the habitation area of the Mường ethnic minorities. The drumhead is richly decorated with 4 or 6 toads, even elephants and turtles in relief. These animals are placed counterclockwise. The motifs are so stylized as to become unrecognizable. A large number of drums of this type have been found in Vietnam, in southern China and the Malay Archipelago.

In type III, the drums are always equipped with a plate on which toads are stacked in limited numbers. These amphibians are aligned counterclockwise. There is an elongation of the cylindrical body up to the lower edge without much flaring. The handles are small and elegant. The distribution area of these drums is mainly to the west of the Trường Sơn mountain range, in Thailand, Laos, Myanmar, and Yunnan.

In type IV, these are copies of type I drums. Sometimes there are Chinese characters. They are found in large numbers in Yunnan (China). The plate fits directly onto the body and never overhangs. These drums are generally small in size. The star in the middle of the plate always has twelve rays corresponding to the duodenary cycle (12 earthly branches). They are found in Vietnam in the northern border region among the Lo Lo and Pupe ethnic minorities.

In general, the ornamentation is considered rich in information on the plate (or tympanum), particularly that of type Heger I: warriors armed with crossbows or javelins, humans adorned with bird feathers, musicians playing the khène or handling castanets, women wearing loincloths pounding rice in a mortar, fish, stylized birds, deer, ritual canoe races, funeral rituals, etc.

Regarding the ornamentation found on the drum body, there are significant differences from one drum to another in terms of themes and animal representations. The order of decoration seems arbitrary. It can be observed that many drums have no ornamentation on their bodies. However, this is not the case for the drumheads. The ornamentation with concentric circles presents an identical structure from one drum to another. On the other hand, the figurative character found on the drumheads of the earliest drums (Ngọc Lũ, Hoàng Hạ, Sông Ðà, Cổ Loa, Moulié, etc.) increasingly evolves towards abstraction and geometrization. Despite this, the overall structure, particularly the orientation of the drum, is generally maintained by the presence of a minimal circle of four birds, which gives the drumheads a sacred character and the drums their true raison d’être.

According to Catherine Noppe, curator of the Oriental Collections at the Royal Museum of Mariemont, the Dongson culture was the origin of a number of specific forms recognizable in decoration. In the repertoire of geometric motifs, there are dots, dotted circles, triangles, diamonds, straight lines, and spirals.

The concentric circles and straight lines used to organize the decoration into precise zones (on the drums or vessels) attest to a desire for clarity and readability necessary for the identification of a decoration often abundant, integrating both animals and figures.

In many debates and writings, there is a tendency to focus on dating and ornamentation. Until today, Vietnamese archaeologists believe that Heger’s general classification structure remains valid because, for them, the fundamental criterion to respect is ornamentation. The finer, more complex, and more numerous the motifs visible in the decoration, the easier it is to prove the origin. This is why they concentrate their efforts on details and propose dividing Heger Type I into several subtypes. This is not the case for Chinese archaeologists who find Heger’s classification obsolete since the discovery of a large number of drums in southern China (Yunnan, Guangxi, and Guangdong). Moreover, according to them, originality should be expressed through simplicity in ornamentation and size. Initially divided over Heger’s classification due to regional affinities (between the Chinese supporters from Guangxi and Yunnan), they have managed to unify their viewpoints and now accept Heger’s classification while adding another type which they have called under the name of  » Pre Heger-I » since the discovery of several bronze drums (Wanjiaba (Vạn Gia Bá), Yunnan) believed to belong to the « Pre Heger I » type in 1975 and 1976.

They claim that these were earlier than those of Ðồng Sơn (Ngọc Lũ, Sông Ðà (Moulié), Hoàng Hạ, Sông Hồng (Gillet), etc.) based on the radiocarbon dating of funerary objects found at the same time as these drums. For them, the important criteria to consider in determining the antiquity of the drum are as follows: its large face, its trunk being reduced from three to two parts, and its less complex decoration. There is no doubt that the oldest bronze drums originated from Yunnan. Unfortunately, their beliefs have been endorsed neither by the global scientific community nor by Vietnamese archaeologists. According to the latter, the dating of bronze drums could not be based solely on the radiocarbon dating of funerary objects because the margin of error would be too high, around 235 years, based on their experience with a piece of wood from a coffin. But there are other factors that should be taken into consideration. This is the case with the example of the bronze drum found in a burial at Việt Khê. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the tomb was 2480 ± 100 years old before 1950 CE (Common Era) or around 530 BCE (Before the Common Era). However, based on its decorative style, the bronze drum could have been made only between the 3rd and 6th centuries BCE.

Besides radiocarbon dating, there is a total divergence between Chinese and Vietnamese archaeologists in the interpretation of the decoration. This is important as it can help archaeologists identify the ethnic and geographical affiliations since it reflects the spiritual life of the people who invented this drum. Each side tries to provide its own interpretation regarding the stilt bird, the amphibian, and the boat.

The stilt bird:

This flying bird seen on the bronze drum with a long beak and long legs is very familiar to the Vietnamese because it is indeed the heron. It is obvious to see it depicted on the bronze drum as it symbolizes the labor and diligence of the proto-Vietnamese. It is part of their daily life. It is often seen accompanying Vietnamese farmers in the rice fields. It is mentioned many times in their popular poems. Thanks to recent linguistic research, the term Văn Lang used to designate the kingdom of the Hùng kings during the Đông Sơn period is nothing other than the phonetic transcription in Chinese characters of an ancient Austro-Asiatic word: vlang, meaning a large stilt bird. Similarly, the name of the Hùng clan known as « Hồng Bàng » also refers to a stilt bird related to the heron.

For the Chinese, the heron is considered the accompanying bird, after death, of the soul towards immortality (cỡi hạc qui tiên). It is a long tradition to decorate drums with heron motifs in the central plains of China. The spread of this belief first becomes visible in the area of the Chu principality (Sỡ Quốc) and then among other ethnic groups in southern China. This is undoubtedly Chinese influence.

The amphibian

It can be seen on certain bronze drums, particularly those of the Heger I type belonging to the last period of the Bronze Age and dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD (late drums) (or trống muộn Heger I). Chinese archaeologists believe that the small amphibians found on the faces of these drums are frogs used for ornamental purposes without any special meaning. However, for the Vietnamese, the presence of frogs on the drum surface suggests that the drum could be a rain drum because, according to Vietnamese tradition, there is a close kinship between amphibians and Heaven:
Toads and frogs are the uncles of the Lord Heaven
Beware those who mistreat them; they will be punished accordingly.

Their presence can be explained by beliefs common to all peoples of southern Asia: the croaking of amphibians announces the rain essential for the sown fields.

The boat:

For the Chinese, the boat is mentioned to reflect the ancient tradition of the annual ritual race in the Chu kingdom during the Warring States period. This custom aims to honor the memory of the famous poet Qu Yuan (Khuất Nguyên). He committed suicide in 278 BC to denounce the endemic corruption of his time in this kingdom, which was later annexed by the Qin. For the Vietnamese, opinions are divided. Some share the same view as the Chinese, opting for the theme of the « Paddled Boat » because it is more detailed and visible on certain drums (Sông Đà, Miếu Môn, Làng Vạc, etc.), but others continue to think of funerary ceremonies. This is a thesis defended by Goloubew (1929), citing ethnographic examples of the Dayak (Borneo), and has become the dominant thesis today in popular writings.

This custom is still practiced today by the Dayak, who were formerly established on the eastern coast of Indochina. They still believe in the existence, in the middle of the ocean, of a mysterious island where their ancestors enjoy supreme happiness. It is this golden boat (or boat of the dead) that can be seen depicted on the Hoàng Hạ and Ngọc Lữ drums with warriors without paddles, ready to fight the malevolent spirits that threaten them in the afterlife. This mystical theme is essentially based on the funerary cult, an ancient tradition known by the Dayak who, born near the rivers and close to the coasts, should one day return to their distant paradise by taking this ghost boat upon their death.

The Tiwah (lễ chiêu hồn) or the festival of the dead continues to be celebrated to this day by the Dayak of Borneo. The canoe-shaped coffins (mộ thuyền) found in Dong Son burials (Việt Khê for example) are not unrelated to this tradition. It is important to recall that, being dolichocephalic Indonesians (Deniker) (or Austroasiatics), the Dayak Ot-Danom and Olo-ngadju had a hierarchical organization identical to that which still exists among the Mường of the Black River (Sông Ðà), an ethnic minority close to the present-day Vietnamese. The power of their chiefs is considered hereditary.

Besides the Sino-Vietnamese disagreements mentioned above, there remains an important element pitting several theories against each other. It is the star depicted at the center of the drum’s plateau. The number of rays varies from one drum to another. On the Ngọc Lũ drum, there are 14 rays while the Hoàng Hạ drum has two more. As for the Vienna drum, it has only 12 rays. It is unlikely that this central star with multiple rays is a star, as people of that time could not have seen it larger than the one they observed in the sky. There is only one star larger than the others around which scenes of life are arranged in rhythm with the seasons. Could it be anything other than the sun?

In an agrarian society, the sun and rain are needed to fertilize the soil and have good harvests. The French archaeologist M. Colani, who discovered the Hoà Bình culture in 1926, held this view when speaking of a solar cult in Indochina. (7). But this hypothesis was contested by the Australian anthropologist and historian Helmut Loofs-Wissova. He rejects the idea that the inter-radial triangles are passive decorative elements. There is no reason to think of a celestial body, but these triangles should be considered as the product of a differentiation into « quarters. » He went further in his approach by considering that these drums are like regalia (quyền trượng). He explains their dispersion by the desire of local chiefs wishing to have the grace of ritual authority (but not political) located somewhere in northern Vietnam and having the power to give them bronze drums, like the papacy in the West with regalia. This hypothesis cannot be corroborated first by the presence of dotted circles, simple or concentric, found abundantly on the ornaments and weapons of warriors disguised as spirit-men, as these have long been known as heliacal symbols in prehistoric Western art (on Caucasian and Hispanic bronzes).

Moreover, after the annexation of the Giao Chỉ territory by the Chinese, the distribution of bronze drums continued to spread towards Southeast Asia. It seems unthinkable to imagine that there exists in this territory an independent political or religious power without the agreement of the Han (or Chinese). Those who are only the destroyers of bronze drums in the manner of their general Ma Yuan cannot use them as regalia. Although this theory is appealing, it seems less convincing.

According to the beliefs of the Austroasiatic peoples, the drum is not only a sacred instrument but also a living fetish. By designating the drum with the word « trống » in Vietnamese, it is known to be masculine. It is customary to refer to the rooster with the word « gà trống or gà sống. » Similar to the Yue’s knife (Alain Thote), it must be nourished with blood, alcohol, and rice. It is awakened from time to time during ritual ceremonies by strikes of a mallet at the center of its surface, where the sun is depicted symbolizing the driving force of the gift of life. It is also here that its soul and magical power reside.

Being of a yang nature and always accompanied by gongs (of a Yin nature) which the Mường, close cousins of the Vietnamese, consider as a stylized representation of the woman’s chest in ritual festivals, it is charged with protecting not only the village but also the clan or tribe that must demonstrate its legitimacy in possessing it and its ability to maintain it with remarkable regularity. Sometimes its prestige can go beyond its regional sphere, and its capacity for rallying and mobilization is considerable. It can express its wrath through the voice of a female medium (kruu) among the Kantou of the Annamite Range (Trường Sơn), as reported by Yves Goudineau in his article entitled « Bronze Drums and Ceremonial Circumambulations » (BEFEO, Volume 87, no. 2, pp. 553-578).

In northern Vietnam and in Yunnan province, there is a strange custom of getting rid of the bronze drum. Considered a living fetish, the drum is given its birthday (a grand celebration) but it can also be « killed » by piercing the center of its drumhead where the sun is depicted, as this symbolizes the generative force of the gift of life. By destroying it in this way, it is believed that one destroys not only its soul but also the symbol of power of the tribe or clan that owns it and its magical power, in order to prevent later revenge. This also explains the behavior of the Chinese general Ma Yuan during the repression against the Giao Chi. That is why during archaeological excavations in northern Vietnam, drums are sometimes found with the center of the drumhead completely pierced.

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[Bronze drums: Part 3, VA]

 

Bronze drums (Part 1,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Histoire, Traditions, Vietnam

vanhoa_dongson

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Until today, the bronze drums continue to sow discord between the Vietnamese and Chinese scientific communities. For the Vietnamese, the bronze drums are the prodigious and ingenious invention of peasant metallurgists during the time of the Hùng kings, the founding fathers of the Văn Lang kingdom. It was in the Red River delta that the French archaeologist Louis Pajot unearthed several of these drums at Ðồng Sơn (Thanh Hoá province) in 1924, along with other remarkable objects (figurines, ceremonial daggers, axes, ornaments, etc.), thus providing evidence of a highly sophisticated bronze metallurgy and a culture dating back at least 600 years before Christ. The Vietnamese find not only their origin in this re-excavated culture (or Đông Sơn culture) but also the pride of reconnecting with the thread of their history. For the French researcher Jacques Népote, these drums become the national reference of the Vietnamese people. For the Chinese, the bronze drums were invented by the Pu/Liao (Bộc Việt), a Yue ethnic minority from Yunnan (Vân Nam). It is evident that the authorship of this invention belongs to them, aiming to demonstrate the success of the process of mixing and cultural exchange among the ethnic groups of China and to give China the opportunity to create and showcase the fascinating multi-ethnic culture of the Chinese nation.

Despite this bone of contention, the Vietnamese and the Chinese unanimously acknowledge that the area where the first bronze drums were invented encompasses only southern China and northern present-day Vietnam, although a large number of bronze drums have been continuously discovered across a wide geographical area including Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Indonesia, and the eastern Sunda Islands. Despite their dispersion and distribution over a very vast territory, fundamental cultural affinities are noted among populations that at first glance appear very different, some protohistoric and others almost contemporary. Initially, in the Chinese province of Yunnan where the Red River originates, the bronze drum has been attested since the 6th century BCE and continued to be used until the 1st century, just before the annexation of the Dian kingdom (Điền Quốc) by the Han (or Chinese). The bronze chests intended to contain local currency (or cowries), discovered at Shizhaishan (Jinning) and bearing on their upper part a multitude of figures or animals in sacrificial scenes, clearly testify to the indisputable affinities between the Dian kingdom and the Dongsonian culture.

Then among the populations of the Highlands (the Joraï, the Bahnar, or the Hodrung) in Vietnam, the drum cult is found at a recent date. Kept in the communal house built on stilts, the drum is taken down only to call the men to the buffalo sacrifice and funeral ceremonies. The eminent French anthropologist Yves Goudineau described and reported the sacrificial ceremony during his multiple observations among the Kantou of the Annamite Trường Sơn mountain range, a ceremony involving bronze drums (or Lakham) believed to ensure the circularity and progression of the rounds necessary for a cosmogonic refoundation.

These sacred instruments are perceived by the Kantou villagers as the legacy of a transcendence. The presence of these drums is also visible among the Karen of Burma. Finally, further from Vietnam, on the island of Alor (Eastern Sunda), the drum is used as an emblem of power and rank, as currency, as a wedding gift, etc. Here, the drum is known as the « mokko. » Its role is close to that of the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn. Its prototype remains the famous « Moon of Pedjeng » (Bali), whose geometric decoration is close to the Dong Son tradition. This one is gigantic and nearly 2 meters high.

More than 65 citadels spread across the territories of the Bai Yue responded favorably to the call of the uprising led by the Vietnamese heroines Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị. Perhaps this is why, under Chinese domination, the Yue (which included the proto-Vietnamese or the Giao Chi) hid and buried all the bronze drums in the ground for fear of them being confiscated and destroyed by the radical method of Ma Yuan. This could explain the reason for the burial and location of a large number of bronze drums in the territory of the Bai Yue (Bách Việt) (Guangxi (Quảng Tây), Guangdong (Quảng Đông), Hunan (Hồ Nam), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Northern Vietnam (Bắc Bộ Vietnam)) during the conquest of the Qin and Han dynasties. The issuance of the edict by Empress Kao (Lữ Hậu) in 179 BC, stipulating that it was forbidden to deliver plowing instruments to the Yue, is not unrelated to the Yue’s reluctance towards forced assimilation by the Chinese.

In Chinese annals, bronze drums were mentioned with contempt because they belonged to southern barbarians (the Man Di or the Bai Yue). It was only from the Ming dynasty that the Chinese began to speak of them in a less arrogant tone after the Chinese ambassador Trần Lương Trung of the Yuan dynasty (or Mongols (Nguyên triều)) mentioned the drum in his poem entitled « Cảm sự (Resentment) » during his visit to Vietnam under the reign of King Trần Nhân Tôn (1291).

Bóng lòe gươm sắc lòng thêm đắng
Tiếng rộn trống đồng tóc đốm hoa.

The shimmering shadow of the sharp sword makes us more bitter
The tumultuous sound of the bronze drum makes our hair speckled with white.

He was frightened when he thought about the war started by the Vietnamese against the Mongols to the sound of their drum.

On the other hand, in Chinese poems, it is never recognized that the bronze drums are part of the cultural heritage of the Han. It is considered perfectly normal that they are the product of the people of the South (the Yue or the Man). This fact is not doubted many times in Chinese poems, some lines of which are excerpted below:

Ngõa bôi lưu hải khách
Ðồng cổ trại giang thần

Chén sành lưu khách biển
Trống đồng tế thần sông

The earthenware bowl holds back the traveling sailor,
The bronze drum announces the offering to the river spirit.

in the poem « Tiễn khách về Nam (Accompanying the traveler to the South) » by Hứa Hồn.

Thử dạ khả liên giang thượng nguyệt
Di ca đồng cổ bất thăng sầu !

Ðêm nay trăng sáng trên sông
Trống đồng hát rơ cho lòng buồn thương

or

The moon of this night shimmers on the river
The barbarians’ song to the sound of the drum arouses painful regrets.

in the poem titled « Thành Hà văn dĩ ca » by the famous Chinese poet of the Tang dynasty, Trần Vũ.
In 1924, a villager from Ðồng Sơn (Thanh Hoá) recovered a large number of objects including bronze drums after the soil was eroded by the flow of the Mã river. He sold them to the archaeologist Louis Pajot, who did not hesitate to report this fact to the French School of the Far East (École Française d’Extrême-Orient). They later asked him to be responsible for all excavation work at the Ðồng Sơn site.

But it was in Phủ Lý that the first drum was discovered in 1902. Other identical drums were acquired in 1903 at the Long Ðội Sơn bonzerie and in the village of Ngọc Lữ (Hà Nam province) by the French School of the Far East. During these archaeological excavations begun in 1924 around the Ðồng Sơn hill, it was realized that a strange culture with canoe-tombs was being uncovered.

These are actually boats made from a single piece of wood, sometimes reaching up to 4.5 meters in length, each containing a deceased person surrounded by a whole set of funerary furniture: ornaments, halberds, parade daggers, axes, containers (situlas, vases, tripods), pottery, and musical instruments (bells, small bells). Moreover, in this funerary skiff are objects of quite large dimensions and recognizable: bronze drums, some measuring more than 90 cm in diameter and one meter in height. Their shape is generally very simple: a cylindrical box with a single slightly flared bottom forming the upper part of the drum. On this sounding surface, there is at its center a multi-pointed star which is struck with a mallet. Four double handles are attached to the body and the middle part of the drum to facilitate suspension or transport using metal chains or plant fiber ropes. These drums were cast using a clay mold, into which a bronze and lead alloy was poured.

The Austrian archaeologist Heine-Geldern was the first to propose the name of the Đồng Sơn site for this re-excavated culture. Since then, this culture has been known as « Dongsonian. » However, it is to the Austrian scholar Franz Heger that much credit is due for the classification of these drums. Based on 165 drums obtained through purchases, gifts, or accidental discoveries among bronze workers or ethnic minorities, he managed to accomplish a remarkable classification work that still has a significant influence in the global scientific community today, serving as an essential reference for the study of bronze drums. His work was compiled into two volumes (Alte Metaltrommeln aus Südostasien) published in Leipzig in 1902.

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[Bronze drums: Part 2, VA]
[Bronze drums: Part 3, VA]

Con Đò (La barque)

j050807 Culture, Littérature

 

Con đò

Tình nào thổn thức đêm dài
Đò nào bến cũ tháng ngày tiếc thương
Bao năm chồng chất tóc sương
Sông nào đãi  hết tỏ tường với ai

La barque

Pour quel amour se tourmente-t-on avec des longues nuits?
Pour quel sampan et son ancien débarcadère, continue-t-on à être accablé d’affections et de regrets ?
Les cheveux blancs s’accumulent sous le poids des années
Le fleuve n’arrive pas à tout effacer, à qui doit-on révéler les confidences ?

The boat

For what love does one torment oneself with long nights?
For what sampan and its old pier does one continue to be overwhelmed with affections and regrets?
White hairs accumulate under the weight of years
The river cannot erase everything, to whom should the confidences be revealed?

Po Nagar Shrine (Sanctuaire Po Nagar): Part 1

j050807 Art, Chămpa, Culture, tourisme

Thánh Địa Po Nagar

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This sanctuary is a must-visit for those who have the opportunity to visit Nha Trang, the most upscale seaside resort in Vietnam. Located on a hill at the mouth of the Cái River, it was built continuously from the 8th to the 13th century according to inscriptions found on site. The appearance of this sanctuary in the Champa kingdom is linked to the turmoil that Champa experienced in the 8th century. The Champa kingdom was actually a federation of several states or rather « city-states, » with the most powerful one playing the role of « leader » (vai trò chủ đạo). Upon the advent of a new dynasty, its pura ascended to the top rank and thus became the capital of the kingdom. Thanks to Chinese historical documents and Cham inscriptions, it is known that until the beginning of the 7th century, the pura (or city-state) of Singhapura (lion citadel) in Trà Kiệu (in the current district of Duy Xuyên, Quảng Nam province) predominated.

At that time, the northern royal lineage was always protected by the male deity Bhadresvara, a linga representing a benevolent form of Shiva honored in the most sacred sanctuary of Mỹ Sơn. A new royal lineage soon made itself recognized in the mid-8th century in the southern part of the Champa kingdom (Kauthara) and needed another deity to protect it.
Po Nagar Shrine

The Trà Kiệu and Mỹ Sơn region, belonging to the current Quảng Nam province (the Cham province of Amaravâti), thus lost its importance in favor of Khánh Hòa (Nha Trang plain) and Ninh Thuận (Phan Rang region). Although its political center of power (Virapura) has not been located to this day, it is claimed to be somewhere around Phan Rang. On the other hand, it is certain that a major political event took place in the south of this kingdom, as this perfectly aligns with the date 758 provided in Chinese annals to mark the beginning of the Huanwang period (or Hoàn Vương in Vietnamese), lasting about 100 years. Lin Yi (or Lâm Ấp in Vietnamese), the former name given to this kingdom, is no longer used and is replaced by Huanwang in Chinese texts. This deity is a one-faced linga and is honored in the sacred Pô Nagar sanctuary located by the sea. She is clearly feminine and presented as the shakti of Shiva, Bhagavati.

Despite the sidelining of the Prathivindravarman lineage of the South reported in Chinese annals in 859 and the seizure of supreme power by the Bhrgu lineage in the northern kingdom at Indrapura (near Hội An) in 875 with the new king Indravarman II, the deity of Nha Trang in Kauthara continued to be honored as the protective goddess of the kingdom.

This shows the willingness of the Bhrgu lineage to integrate it into a coherent religious system which, until then based on the veneration of Bhadresvara (Mỹ Sơn sanctuary), recognizes a complementary position for Bhagavarti. The religious bipolarity around the god Bhadresvara at Mỹ Sơn and the goddess Bhagavati at Nha Trang would henceforth dominate the entire kingdom. The veneration of Bhagavarti aligns not only with the importance given to the matrilineal system adopted by the Chams but also with the unity the Chams needed at that time in the face of their enemies (Vietnamese, Khmers, and Javanese).

In order to acclimate to an unfamiliar natural environment where the stupas and religious constructions of the Chams, bearing the deep mark of Indian culture, were visibly strange, frightening, and mysterious with statues of Brahma, Shiva, Vishnu, and Pô Nagar, these new Vietnamese arrivals were forced to develop a lifestyle adapted to their new cultural environment. They did not hesitate to use the remnants of Cham culture to transpose them into their own religious universe and places of worship. They attempted to establish harmony between the supernatural and temporal powers of the territories they had managed to conquer. Fearing to disturb local spirits capable of bringing them harm, they sometimes appropriated the places of worship of the defeated or local people. This is the case of the Pô Nagar sanctuary where the Champa goddess Uma was appropriated by the Vietnamese. They did not hesitate to assimilate the legend of Po Nagar into a mythology arranged in their own way without managing to erase the Cham substrate of the myth. The Champa goddess thus became Thiên Y A Na (Thiên Y Thánh Mẫu) of the Vietnamese. This appropriation is renewed in other places in Vietnam during the southward march: the Black Lady in Tây Ninh or the goddess Chúa Xứ on Mount Sam (Châu Đốc).

In his inventory of Cham towers located on the Pô Nagar site, the French archaeologist Henri Parmentier recorded about a dozen worship buildings grouped in an area of 500 m2 at the top of a hill. Due to weathering and war, only 5 buildings remain spread over two construction levels. At the top, there are two rows of towers, the first consisting of three towers from north to south: the main tower dedicated to the goddess Yan Pu Nagara (or Thiên Y A Na in Vietnamese), the southern temple, and the southeastern kalan. As for the second row, only one tower with a curved saddle-shaped roof remains, dedicated to the children of Thiên Y A Na.

Facing the main tower of the first row, at the lower level, stands an open mandapa consisting of two rows of ten octagonal brick columns, each measuring three meters in height and more than one meter in diameter, surrounded by fourteen similar columns of smaller size. These columns were intended to support a roof shaped like an inverted boat hull, whose structure was made of wood.

This mandapa was built by Senapati Par and mentioned in the steles erected by this general of King Harivarman in 817. It was connected to the main tower by a brick staircase. This type of building is found at other Cham sites: Mỹ Sơn (Đà Nẵng), Po Kloong Garai (Phan Rang), or Bánh Ít (Bình Định). According to Henri Parmentier, next to these brick buildings, there was a wooden temple (or bimong in Cham) which was somewhat a resting place for offerings.
Thanks to Cham inscriptions, we learn that in 774, the wooden religious sanctuary of Pô Nagar was pillaged and destroyed by the Javanese (Chà Và in Vietnamese). This term refers to the populations of the South Seas, i.e., the archipelago and the Malay Peninsula. It was rebuilt in 784 in brick and stone by King Satyavarman. Then, around the middle of the 10th century, the site of Nha Trang was sacked by the Khmers, whose inscriptions spoke of the loot (a gold statue) taken from the goddess Bhagavati.

It was reinstalled in 965 by replacing a stone statue by King Indravarman. The 10th-century statue under the reign of King Jaya Paramesvaravarman could be the one still seen today in the main tower, but its head was restored in the Vietnamese style.

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Sculpture du Champa (VA, Part:1)

j050807 Art, Chămpa, Culture, Histoire

 

dieu_khac_champa

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Version vietnamienne
Part 1

Until today, the exact ethnic origin of the Chams is not known. Some believe that they came from continental Asia and were pushed back along with other populations living in southern China (the Bai Yue) by the Chinese, while others (ethnologists, anthropologists, and linguists) highlighted their island origin through their research work.

Carving a statue is a religious act.

For the latter, the Chams were probably populations from the South Seas (the countries of the archipelagos or those of the Malay Peninsula). Cham oral traditions mentioning connections linking, in legendary times, Champa and Java support this latter hypothesis.
Nicknamed the Vikings of Southeast Asia, the Chams lived along the coasts of central and southern present-day Vietnam. Their main activities were essentially based on trade. They were in contact very early with China and territories as far away as the Malay Peninsula, possibly the coasts of South India.

Being dedicated to religious purposes, Cham sculpture was thus not immune to political repercussions and influences from outside, particularly those from India, Cambodia, and Java. These became the main forces of creation, development, and evolution of styles in their art. According to the French researcher Jean Boisselier, Cham sculpture was closely linked to history. Significant changes were noted in the development of Cham sculpture, especially statuary, with historical events, changes of dynasties, or the relations that Champa had with its neighbors (Vietnam or Cambodia). According to the Vietnamese researcher Ngô Văn Doanh, whenever there was a significant external impact, a new style in Cham sculpture soon appeared.

To illustrate this, it is enough to cite an example: in the 11th-12th centuries, the intensification of violent contacts especially with Vietnam and Cambodia, and the emergence of new concepts related to the foundations of royal power can explain the originality and richness found in the style of Tháp Mắm.

Hình ảnh điêu khắc cổ Chămpa

Being the expression of the Indian pantheon (Brahmanist but especially Shaivist and Buddhist), Cham sculpture rather resorts to the local interpretation of concepts and norms coming from outside with elegance than to servile imitation. It is above all a support for meditation and a proof of devotion. Sculpting a statue is a religious act. Subject to religious norms, the Cham sculptor, with his skillful hands, succeeded in fervently giving the inert stone a soul, a divine representation allowing the conveyance of the religious concept he wished to transmit with faith. Cham sculpture is peaceful. No scenes of horror are depicted. There are only somewhat fanciful animal creatures (lions, dragons, birds, elephants, etc.). No violent or indecent forms are found in the deities. Despite the evolution of styles over history, Cham sculpture continues to maintain the same divine and animal creatures within a constant theme.

Makara
Cham art has succeeded in maintaining its specificity, its own facial expression, and its particular beauty without it being said that it is a servile copy of external models, thus preserving its uniqueness in Hindu sculpture found in India and Southeast Asia. Despite the lack of animation and realism, Cham works were mostly carved from sandstone and much more rarely from terracotta and other alloys (gold, silver, bronze, etc.).

Generally modest in size, they depict religious beliefs and worldviews. They cannot leave us indifferent because they always give us a strong strange impression. This is one of the characteristics of the beauty of Cham art. In Cham sculpture, one finds free-standing sculptures (round-bosses), high reliefs, and low reliefs. A free-standing sculpture is one that can be viewed from all sides to see the sculptor’s work. A high relief is a sculpture with a very prominent relief that does not detach from the background. As for the low relief, it is a sculpture with slight projection on a uniform background. In Cham sculpture, there is a tendency to emphasize the roundness of creatures in the reliefs. Few scenes are depicted in this sculpture. There is a noted lack of connection or coherence in the assembly when otherwise.


The creatures found in Cham sculpture tend to always emerge brilliantly from the space surrounding them. They have something monumental about them. Even when they are grouped together in the works of Mỹ Sơn, Trà Kiệu depicting the daily life of the Chams, they give us the impression that each one remains independent from the others.

One can say that the Cham sculptor focuses solely on the creature he wants to show and deify without ever thinking about excessively unrealistic details and imperfections (such as the too-large hand or the overly bent arm of the dancer from Trà Kiệu, for example) and without closely imitating the original Indian models, which gives this Cham sculpture the « monumental » character not found in other sculptures. This is another particularity found in this Cham sculpture.

The works are not numerous but they testify to a beautiful plastic quality and the expression of various religions. It is difficult to attribute them to a single style. On the other hand, some traits close to the tradition of Indian art from Amaravati can be noted. It was only in the second half of the 7th century, under the reign of King Prakasadharma Vikrantavarman I, that Cham sculpture began to take shape and reveal its originality.

[Sculpture of Champa (Part 2)]
[ Sculpture of Champa (Part 3)]

Temple Đô  (Lý Bát Đế)(English version)

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Temple  Đô  (Lý Bát Đế)

Vietnamese version

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This Đô Temple was built in the year 1030 during the return of King Lý Thái Tông to celebrate the anniversary of the death of his father Lý Công Uẩn (Lý Thái Tổ). However, this building was completely destroyed during the colonial period. That is why in 1989 the Vietnamese government decided to restore it based on the still preserved historical documents. In front of its entrance gate is a water pavilion erected on a large pond in the shape of a half-moon, which once connected to the Tiêu Tương River that no longer exists today. This historic architectural complex is dedicated to the worship of the 8 kings of the Lý dynasty, which the famous historian Ngô Sĩ Liên described as a dynasty of clemency in the collection entitled « The Complete Historical Records of Đại Việt » (Ðại Việt Sử Ký toàn thư) (1697).

According to the popular saying, in the work « Florilegium of the Thiền Garden (Thiền Uyển Tập Anh) » there is a kệ (or gâtha) alluding to the 8 kings of the Lý dynasty, which is attributed either to the disciple of the patriarch monk Khuôn Việt, Đa Bảo, or to the monk Vạn Hạnh as follows:

The word Bát with the Lý family

Một bát nước công đức
Tùy duyên hóa thế gian
Sáng choang còn soi đuốc
Bóng mất trời lên cao.

A bowl of meritorious water
Flows with causality to transform the world
Brightly shining continues to light the torch
When the shadow disappears, the sun rises behind the mountains.

By implication, this Kệ (or stance) intends to evoke the 8 kings of the Lý dynasty, from the founder Lý Công Uẩn to the last king Lý Huệ Tông, through the word bát which means both bowl and eight in Vietnamese. As for Huệ Tông, his given name is Sảm. Being the combination of two words 日 nhật (sun) and 山 sơn (mountain) in Chinese Han characters, the word Sảm indeed means « the sun hides behind the mountains, » signifying the end or disappearance. This kê proves to be prophetic because Princess Lý Chiêu Hoàng (daughter of King Lý Huệ Tông) ceded the throne to her husband Trần Cảnh, who was none other than King Trần Thái Tông of the Trần dynasty. It can be said that the Lý dynasty had the kingdom by the will of God, but it was also by this will that they lost it.

Lý Bát Đế

                                       

[RETURN]

Angkorian empire (Chenla)

j050807 Art, Gallery, Khmer, Lịch sử, Văn Hóa

Đế Chế Angkor 

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At a time when the kingdom of Funan was weakening, a vassal principality of this kingdom, which Chinese historians often referred to as Chenla (Chân Lạp) in their annals, attempted to forge its destiny in the middle Mekong basin near the archaeological site of Vat Phu in the Champassak province (present-day Laos). This is the only name we have to this day. No Sanskrit or Khmer word corresponds to the ancient sound Tsien lap. The existence of this kingdom dates back to the end of the 6th century. Similar to the kings of Funan, those of Chenla also have a dynastic legend: a solar-origin Brahmin priest named Kambu Svayambhuva received from the god Shiva himself a nymph of lunar origin in marriage, the beautiful Mera.

From this union of K(ambu) and Merâ, a line of sovereigns was born, that is, the descendants of Kambujadesha, meaning « land of the descendants of Kambu, » intended to explain the name of the Khmers. This word Kambujadesha, abbreviated as Kambuja, was first discovered in 817 in an inscription of Po Nagar in Champa (or present-day Nha Trang, Vietnam).

During the French colonial period, this name Kambuja was Francized as « Cambodge. » As for the word Chenla, it appeared in the history of the Sui (589-619), where the sending of an embassy from this country was mentioned in 616-617. Located southwest of Lin Yi (future Champa) and a vassal state of Funan, the kingdom of Chenla (Chân Lạp) (future Cambodia), having become powerful, did not hesitate to seize the latter and subjugate it. This fact was reported not only in the New History of the Tang (618-907) by the Chinese historian Ouyang Xiu but also in an unpublished inscription from Sambor-Prei Kuk, which praised the king of Chenla, Içanavarman I, son of King Mahendravarman, for having expanded his parents’ territory with his grand exploits. This monarch established his capital at Sambor-Prei Kuk, renamed Ishanapura.

The fragmentation of Chenla into small states was witnessed again. It was only in 654 that Jayavarman I, a great-grandson of Içanavarman I, succeeded in reunifying his ancestor’s country and established his capital near Angkor. Upon his death, Chenla again broke up into numerous principalities, and soon the principality of Shambupura (today Sambor on the Mekong) managed to impose its authority. Its king, Jayavarman II, settled in Rolûos and proclaimed himself king of the entire Kambuja in 802. Then the settlement and religious sites of the Óc Eo plain began to be abandoned as the center of gravity of the new political formation from the North moved away from the coast to gradually approach the site of the future capital of the Khmer empire, Angkor.

According to researcher J. Népote, the Khmers coming from the North through Laos appear like Germanic tribes in relation to the Roman Empire, attempting to establish a unified kingdom inland known as Chenla. They saw no interest in maintaining the technique of floating rice cultivation because they lived far from the coast. They tried to combine their own mastery of water retention with the contributions of Indian hydraulic science (the baray) to develop, through multiple trials, an irrigation system better adapted to the ecology of the hinterland and to the local varieties of irrigated rice.

It is reported that in Chinese annals, Chenla was divided into a « Land Chenla » and a « Water Chenla » at the beginning of the 8th century. The former was established in the old territories of Chenla, expanded according to its military successes, from the Dangrek range to the middle Mekong valley and westward to Burinam, now part of the Thai province of Korat, while the latter corresponded to a multitude of fiefs of former Funan and was subject to the royal authority of the island of Java (Indonesia). Then, through a stele of Sdok Kak Thom dating from 1052 and found 25 km from Sisophon, we learn that Jayavarman II was crowned king in 802 after freeing his country from the tutelage of Java, and his country regained its unity under the name Chenla.

The latter soon gave way to the birth of the Angkorian empire at the beginning of the 9th century. It first experienced its peak and glory with King Suryavarman II, whom historians have often compared to the Sun King Louis XIV of France. Of a warlike temperament, he did not hesitate to first ally with the Chams to attack the kingdom of Đại Việt under the reign of King Lý Thần Tôn in 1128, but he was repelled in the Nghệ An region. He then tried to maintain his grip on Champa by placing his brother-in-law Harideva as ruler over the capital Vijaya (present-day Bình Định in Vietnam).

But this attempt ended in a crushing failure against one of the greatest Cham kings, Jaya Harivarman I, who recaptured Vijaya in 1149. Yet Chinese chroniclers spoke of him with great deference. Beyond the frenzy of his territorial conquests, Suryavarman II had a large number of splendid monuments built, among which was the famous site of Angkor Wat. According to the Italian researcher Maria Albanese from the I.I.A.O institute, it seems possible that Suryavarman II died following a disastrous military expedition into Vietnamese territory in 1150.

Then the empire of the Khmer kings expanded under Jayavarman VII, one of the fascinating personalities in universal history. During his reign, he managed to push back the limits of his empire by annexing Champa, Lower Burma, Thailand, and Laos. Georges Coedès, former director of the French School of the Far East (EFEO), painted for us a striking portrait of this great king, that of a pharaoh who can boast of having moved so much stone (Angkor Thom, Ta-Prohm, Bantay-Kdei, etc.).
Map of the empire

carte_empire_khmer

But after his death, due to the gigantic enterprises and incessant wars against his neighbors (Chams, Vietnamese, and Thais), the Angkorian empire began to experience a rapid decline caused by the multiple capture and sacking of its capital Angkor by the Thais (1353, 1393, and 1431). They were unified by Ramadhipathi to found the kingdom of Ayutthaya.

Faced with the assaults of the Thais, the Khmers had to abandon their capital Angkor and retreat to the geographic heart of their country, the Four Arms of the Mekong (Phnom Penh), with the last king of the Khmer empire and the first king of Cambodia, Ponhea Yat. This strategic and economic retreat is only one of the hypotheses suggested by researchers to hasten the decline of Angkor. But according to recent discoveries reported by National Geographic in its issue 118 of July 2009, the collapse of Angkor is largely due to climatic disasters that managed to destroy the most complex and ingenious hydraulic system, a jewel of Khmer civilization. The imperial city of Angkor had to face severe successive droughts from 1362 to 1392 and from 1415 to 1440, thanks to the analysis of growth rings found in certain long-lived cypresses such as teak or Siam wood.

When the hydraulic system began to malfunction, showing signs of weakness, the power of the Angkorian empire did the same. This is why, being the first to realize the importance of this system, the archaeologist Bernard Philippe Groslier of the French School of the Far East (EFEO) did not hesitate to describe Angkor as a « hydraulic city » when publishing his work in 1979. Designed to support religious rituals and ensure a constant water supply for rice cultivation, the gigantic barays (or water reservoirs) were drained in the event of successive major droughts. This could have dealt a fatal blow to this already faltering empire, weakened by internal divisions and successive Thai invasions, as Angkor was home to no less than 750,000 inhabitants over an area of about 1000 km². This brings to mind the period experienced by the Maya cities of Mexico and Central America, which succumbed to overpopulation and environmental degradation linked to three successive droughts in the 9th century. This disaster also brutally reminds us of the limits of human ingenuity, which can be easily overcome at any time by the forces of nature. Man cannot conquer nature under any circumstances but must become one with nature to live in harmony with it.

Bibliographie.

Thierry Zéphir: L’empire des rois khmers;  Découvertes Gallimard. 1997
Claude Jacques, Michael Freeman : Angkor, cité khmère. Book Guides
Bernard Philippe Groslier: Indochine. Editions Albin Michel 1961
National Geographic: Angkor . Pourquoi la grande cité médiévale du monde s’est effondrée? N° 118.  Juillet 2009
Maria Albanese: Angkor. gloire et splendeur de l’empire khmer. Editions White Star 
Georges Coedès: Cổ sử các quốc gia Ấn Độ Hóa ở Viễn Đông.  Editions Thế Giới. 2011
Chu Đạt Quan: Chân Lạp phong thổ ký. Editions Thế Giới . 2011

 

Mausolée Tu Duc (Version vietnamienne)

j050807 Art, Culture, Histoire, tourisme, Vietnam

 

Khiêm Lăng (謙陵)

Version française

English version

Không giống như các lăng mộ hoàng gia khác của triều Nguyễn, lăng mộ của vua Tự Đức chủ yếu là nơi ẩn náu trong thời gian trị vì của ngài. Đây là lý do tại sao nó không chỉ chứa một cung điện sau này được chuyển đổi thành nơi thờ cúng sau khi ngài qua đời, mà còn có một nhà hát và hai gian nhỏ bằng gỗ đỏ xinh xắn (Du Khiêm và Xung Khiêm) nơi ngài thích ngồi để thư giãn và sáng tác thơ. Lăng mộ này, được xây dựng từ năm 1864 đến năm 1867 bởi ba nghìn binh lính và công nhân, có khoảng năm mươi tòa nhà được bao quanh bởi một bức tường đá và gạch dài 1.500 mét bao phủ diện tích 12 ha. Tự Đức lên ngôi vua vào thời điểm ông phải đối mặt không chỉ với sự phát triển của chủ nghĩa tư bản phương Tây mà còn cả tình trạng bất ổn nội bộ (Chiến tranh châu chấu do nhà thơ Cao Bá Quát lãnh đạo, việc anh trai ông là Hồng Bàng bị lật đổ vào thời điểm ông lên ngôi, vân vân). Để có thể nương tựa, ngài không ngần ngại ra lệnh xây dựng lăng mộ làm nơi nghỉ ngơi trong suốt cuộc đời và là nơi ở cho cuộc sống vĩnh hằng sau này của ngài.

Galerie des photos du mausolée Tự Đức

Trong lăng mộ này, đình Hoa Khiêm là công trình chính nơi vua làm việc, đình Lương Khiêm là nơi vua ở và ngủ. Hai ngôi mộ khác cũng nằm trong khuôn viên lăng mộ. Đó là mộ của hoàng hậu Lê Thiện Anh, vợ vua, và một trong ba người con nuôi của vua, vua Kiến Phúc.

Kiến trúc của lăng mộ này không chỉ phản ánh bản chất lãng mạn của nhà thơ-hoàng đế Tư Đức mà còn phản ánh sự tự do vốn còn  thấy thiếu trong các lăng mộ khác cho đến ngày nay. Không có gì ngạc nhiên khi lăng mộ này đã trở thành điểm đến yêu thích của hầu hết du khách nước ngoài và Việt Nam.

lang_tu_duc

 

 
 

The Nùng (English version)

j050807 Chine, Culture, Traditions, Văn Hóa, Vietnam

The Nùng

Vietnamese version

French version

The Nùng are part of the Tày-Thái group of the Austro-Asiatic ethnolinguistic family. According to foreign ethnologists, they are related to the Tày of Vietnam and the Zhuang or Choang (dân tộc Tráng) of China. Although the Tày and the Nùng speak their respective languages, they manage to understand each other perfectly. Their languages differ slightly in phonetics but are similar in vocabulary use and grammar. The Tày were present at the end of the first millennium BC.

This is not the case for the Nùng. Their settlement in Vietnam dates back to only about 300 years ago. However, their presence in southern China (Kouang Si (Quảng Tây), Kouang Tong (Quảng Ðông), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Guizhou (Qúi Châu), and Hunan (Hồ Nam)) is not very recent. They were also one of the ethnic groups of the Austro-Asiatic Bai Yue or Hundred Yue (Bách Việt) group. Also known under the name Tây Âu (Si Ngeou or Âu Việt) at a certain time, they played a major role in the founding of the second kingdom of Vietnam, the Âu Lạc kingdom of An Dương Vương, but they also engaged in relentless struggle against the Chinese expansion led by Emperor Qin Shi Huang Di (Tần Thủy Hoàng) with the Luo Yue (the Proto-Vietnamese). They also participated in the uprising of the two Vietnamese heroines Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị in the reconquest of independence under the Han dynasty.

They continue to preserve to this day many memories and legends about these two heroines in Kouang Si.

At a certain distant time, the Nùng were considered a branch of the Luo Yue living in the mountains before being definitively given the name « Choang » because they are closer to the Tày and the Thais than to the Vietnamese in terms of social organization and language. By calling themselves Cần Slửa Ðăm (people with black clothes) (người mặc áo đen), they claim to be different from the Tày, who are known as Cần Slửa Khao (people with white clothes) (người mặc áo trắng). Despite their clothes being the same indigo color, both peoples do not dress in the same way. This observation was noted by the Vietnamese writer Hữu Ngọc Hoàng Nam, author of the first monographic essay on the Nùng in Vietnam, who highlighted an important remark about the meaning of the words Đăm and Khao. For him, these allow the identification and distinction of subgroup membership within the Tày-Thai linguistic group through differences in clothing colors, dialects, and customs. Those belonging to Đăm (black or Đen in Vietnamese) include the Nùng, Black Thái, Thái, Black Hmongs, Black Lolo, etc., and those belonging to Khao (white or trắng in Vietnamese) include the Tày, White Thái, Lao (or Dao), White Lolo, White Hmongs, etc.

This remark does not convince the Vietnamese linguist Hoàng Mai, who comes from the Tày people, because for the latter, the Tày, despite belonging to the « Khao or White » group, always wear black clothes. Moreover, the word Slửa is not simply a word designating everyday clothing but is somewhat Áo hồn (Slửa Khoăn) because among the Thais, the Tày, and the Nùng, a garment symbolically represents the living soul of each individual. This was reported by the Vietnamese ethnologist Cầm Trọng in his article entitled « The Participation of Thai Culture in the Formation and Evolution of Vietnamese Culture » (International Conference on Thai Studies (1984/08/22-24; Bangkok).

Relying on this strong argument, he was led to conclude that the word pair Đăm – Khao (Black-White) should rather belong to the domain of spiritual culture because it is used to trace back the origin of subgroups within the Tày-Thái ethnic group, just as among the Vietnamese it is customary to evoke the word pair Rồng-Nước represented respectively by Lạc Long Quân and Âu Cơ to trace their origin.

The Nùng are divided into several subgroups known under different names: Nùng Inh, Nùng, Dính, Nùng An, Nùng Phàn Sinh, Nùng Cháo, etc. These names originate from the migration of the Nùng coming from the provinces of Kouang Si and Kouang Tong in China. In Vietnam, the Nùng are located in mountainous regions, deep forests, or valleys with altitudes not exceeding 300 meters above sea level. They often live mixed with the Tày in the provinces of the Upper Region. But their concentration is higher in Lạng Sơn (43% of the province’s population) and in Cao Bằng (32%). Most Nùng live in stilt houses, but there is still a small minority who prefer to live in houses at ground level with rammed earth or unfired brick walls.

Before building the house, the owner must carefully examine the horoscope of their age to find a favorable year for construction. Sometimes it is necessary to wait at least 2 or 3 years to find it. Their presence is essential at the time of clearing the construction site, establishing the foundation and columns, and setting up the roof.

The orientation of the house is one of the important criteria that the owner cannot neglect because it could be responsible for all misfortunes for him and his family. It is customary to say in the Nùng language: đảy kim dòm mò mả, thong thả dòm tì lườn. (Success in business comes from ancestral tombs. We are safe thanks to the land and the orientation of the house).

Demographically, they are ranked 7th among the 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam. In their history, the Nùng also have the legend of Báo luông Slao Cải. It is the story of the benevolent giant who cleared the land and taught them how to grow rice, corn, cotton, and everything they needed. The Nùng are accustomed to wearing fairly simple clothing, without embroidery or patterns. These are made from coarse indigo-colored fabrics. This color harmonizes with nature in the green environment of the forest. Their clothing can vary from light to dark shades of indigo. This variation depends on the preference of each Nùng group. Indigo remains the symbol of loyalty, as told by a Nùng legend:

There was a poor orphan living in a hut at the edge of the forest. One fine morning, a young beggar appeared at her door and asked for food. Being so poor, she could not offer him any. She had to go to the market to sell her beautiful hair and bought food for him. From that day, they became husband and wife. Because of the war, he was forcibly enlisted and never returned. Tired of not receiving any news, she set out to look for him and died along the way. She transformed into an indigo plant whose leaves provide indigo, a color that is everlasting and synonymous with loyalty through the ages.

In the traditional costume of Nùng women, there is the turban scarf, the jacket, and the pants. Generally speaking, regardless of the Nùng group, there is always a square turban, a five-panel jacket buttoned under the right armpit and extending down below the hip, and loose pants called chân què (*) whose upper edges are folded over with a turned belt. Depending on the Nùng group, there are slight modifications to the jacket. This is the case for the Nùng In and Phàn Slình groups, whose women wear jackets with sleeves and button bands decorated with black pieces. However, for the Phàn Slình Cúm Cọt group, the jackets are shorter than those of the other groups and are accompanied by red fringes around the neck. Only the details differentiate these groups. On the other hand, Tày women wear long dresses reaching the calf with fairly tight sleeves. Regarding the pants, most Nùng women wear classic loose chân què pants, except those from the Nùng Dính group who are accustomed to wearing skirts with belts adorned with 12 colored pieces symbolizing the twelve months of the year.

Their jewelry is made of silver because, in their ancestral traditions, it protects them against harmful winds that affect their health. Besides the aesthetic beauty that this metal can provide, it is always considered a thermometer in assessing seasonal epidemics. Nùng women and men are accustomed to wearing necklaces, bracelets, and rings. Additionally, Nùng women’s adornments include earrings and chains around their waists.

As for Nùng men, their trousers are of the same style as those of their women. Their jacket, with a stand-up collar about 2 cm high, is open at the front and adorned with 7 fabric buttons and 4 pockets. The Nùng have several Tết celebrations throughout the year, but the lunar Tết remains their major festival. This is celebrated with great pomp and marked by the presence of a large number of delicious dishes in each family to bid farewell to the old year.

The Nùng customarily eat a duck because it helps to get rid of the bad luck they had during the old year and brings them good fortune with the new year. On the eve of the new lunar Tết, the Nùng woman must fetch water from the well with a bucket. Then she boils it to make good tea before offering it to the ancestors. As for the Nùng husband, he must visit the temple to make offerings. There are many prohibitions that must be respected during the first days of the lunar new year:

Cúng hỉ phát sò (Wishing happiness and prosperity)
I send you my best wishes for happiness and prosperity

Bươn chiêng pi mấu (The first month of the new year)
for the month of February of the new year

Hét lăng tú lì (Anything is allowed)
You will be permitted to accomplish your achievements

Chi lăng tú đẩy a (May all wishes come true)
and to realize all your wishes

Nùng women are not allowed to wash clothes on New Year’s Eve. Chickens cannot be killed. Oxen and buffaloes must not be mistreated. Bowls must not be broken and cleaning should not be done.

On the second day, chickens may be slaughtered to offer to the ancestors and spirits. Visits to relatives, especially to the maternal family (Bên ngoại), are permitted. Children will receive money that adults customarily give them in small envelopes known as « bao lì xì.« 

From the third day, in each village, the Nùng organize a popular festival called « Hội Lùng Tùng » (descent to the fields), often held on the land in front of their communal house. The participation of each family is visible with an offering tray. The presence of a shaman is essential because he is supposed to perform the rites to gain the favor of Heaven for agricultural activities and better harvests and to protect people from diseases. Besides the ritual ceremony, there are also folk games: lion dances, cloth ball throwing (chơi ném còn), tug of war (kéo co), spinning top launching, shuttlecock kicking, etc. It is also an occasion for girls and boys to get to know each other by forming groups for alternating songs, and slì exchanges between two young girls and two young boys.
Lion dance
Similar to other ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia, the Nùng are animists. They believe that there is a soul that animates not only living beings but also plants, stones, etc. That is why their worship includes a large number of spirits: forest spirit, earth spirit, mountain spirit, river and stream spirits, tutelary spirit, childhood spirit (Mụ Mẹ Hoa), etc.

Similar to other ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia, the Nùng are animists. They believe that there is a soul that animates not only living beings but also plants, stones etc. That is why in their worship we see a large number of spirits: spirit of the forest, spirit of the soil, spirit of the mountains, spirit of the rivers and streams, tutelary spirit, spirit of childhood (Mụ Mẹ Hoa), etc.

But the most important worship remains the ancestor worship. Each Nùng household has an altar always placed in a left compartment. This is a sacred place. At the center of this altar is a wall ancestral tablet (or a bài vị) bearing parallel sentences and Chinese characters recording the lineage of the ancestors. Generally speaking, the head of the family plays an important role in all respects.

Being both father and husband, he is the only one who can arbitrate all family problems, especially the division of property. This will be done upon the death of the parents or when one of the married children, who had been living under the same roof, separates. Only boys can claim this division. The eldest brother will then receive a significant share because he will be responsible for living with the parents. However, there is an exception for the Nùng Dín Hoàng Sa Phì group (Hà Giang). It is the youngest child of the family who will inherit a significant share of the property because he will be the last to marry and will have the responsibility to accompany the parents until the end of their lives.

In case the family has no sons, the property goes to the son-in-law who is obliged to change his name and who is now responsible for maintaining his wife’s ancestral altar. There are many taboos that the young bride is supposed to know when she lives under her husband’s family roof. She cannot pass in front of the ancestral altar. She is not allowed to sit in the reception area reserved for visitors. She cannot enter the place where her father-in-law sleeps or stay at the same table with him. In the absence of her husband, it is forbidden for her father-in-law to give her anything or to enter her room. The father-in-law cannot accompany his daughter-in-law. He is not allowed to work together with his daughter-in-law in the same rice field. The same prohibitions are found in the relationship between the son-in-law and his mother-in-law.

Similar to the Mường, the Nùng need to consult the horoscope of the bride and groom to avoid problems of age incompatibility. The decision to start the marriage or not belongs to the parents based on the equality of social and family conditions of the two families. For boys, the selection criteria remain the same as in other ethnic groups: hard work, strength, aptitude for hunting and agriculture. For girls, people are accustomed to seeking their profile through certain well-known Nùng sayings:

Nả hang khàng suổi phịn siêng (con gái mặt vuông chữ điền trông như tiên)

The girl with a square, well-defined face looks like a fairy.

or

Kiêu sải bố thưng tum , mì cua tẻ sè lùm sèo móp
Gót chân không chạm đất khổ suốt đời

The heel not touching the ground is a sign of a hard life.

Sometimes judgment is based on observing the family of the young bride. This is found in the following Nùng saying:

Chiếu khẩu lệ chiếu phàng, Chiếu nàng lẽ chiếu mẻ
Muốn biết được lúa, nhìn vào gốc rạ. Muốn biết nàng dâu, nhìn vào người mẹ.

To know the quality of the rice plant, look at the roots. To know the young bride, observe her mother.

However, before marriage, girls and boys are free to love and understand each other during major festivals where they can participate in folk games or alternate singing slì songs. They can also take the opportunity to give each other certain souvenirs (baskets for cotton balls (hắp lì), baskets for thread balls (cóm lót), turbans for boys (cưn nả), combs (phooc phum), embroidered bags, etc.).

In the Nùng marriage, the matchmaker (male or female) remains an essential figure as they handle all the formal procedures and financial transactions between the two families. In most cases, the brother of the groom’s mother is appointed to this demanding role because he will later become the godfather of the bride along with his wife after the wedding. In financial transactions, the bride’s family tends to ask for more gifts because the bride’s value is considered greater based on the number of these gifts.

The marriage ritual has several stages, the most important of which is leading the bride to her husband’s house. She is required to lightly touch a tray of food placed at the entrance of the main door and then knock it over with her foot. Then, she must quickly cross the threshold of the door. This procedure is known as « Nghi lễ tách nhập ma (Procedure of detachment and union of ghosts). » From that moment on, she becomes a full member of her husband’s family both spiritually and materially. She will permanently join her husband’s house when she becomes pregnant or after six months of marriage.

Death

In the ancestral tradition of the Nùng, when there is a deceased in the family, all close relatives from the maternal side (or păang lăng) must be present before placing the deceased in the coffin. A shaman (thẩy tào) is also required, who is supposed to handle all the ritual procedures related to the funeral from A to Z.

He must begin the first important procedure Khay lò to clear the way and accompany the soul of the deceased to the other world because for the Nùng, the soul that escapes from a dead body continues to live. Married daughters and nieces must bring money trees as their contributions, and the close relatives from the maternal side a horse for their funeral offerings. For the Nùng, even after the burial, the soul continues to wander around the house. That is why an altar must be set up next to the place where the deceased used to sleep when still alive.

After one hundred days of burial, there will be a ceremony accompanied by a large number of delicious dishes (pork, chicken, and sticky rice (xôi)). Then it will be followed by another marking the end of mourning after three years.

Each Nùng group has its own way of celebrating this ending. The Nùng Lôi destroy a bamboo tube that they had previously left on the deceased’s altar by burning it, while the Nùng An make a large number of familiar animals (pigs, chickens, buffaloes, oxen) and farming tools using cut paper and place them in a pot that they bury under the location of the deceased’s grave. The Nùng see death only as the beginning of another life for the deceased. That is why they need these offerings to be able to lead a more pleasant life in the other world.

Birth

Similar to the Mường, there are many taboos surrounding the birth of a child. The child needs to be protected by the goddess of childhood, whose altar will be set up in the house. Besides the celebration of the child’s first month, some Nùng groups also hold a ceremony to give a name to the child when they reach adulthood.

Similar to the Vietnamese, the Nùng have a long history and a millennial culture. It was with them that the Vietnamese were part of the Hundred Yue. In the past, facing formidable northern adversaries, they tried to create their own state but were unable to achieve it. Their undeniable contribution to the foundation of the Âu Lạc kingdom of the Vietnamese cannot be denied. Their hero Nùng Trí Cao continues to hold a place in our history.

There is no reason not to make their history and culture known to young Vietnamese because

The Nùng also have a significant share of responsibility in building the future of our Vietnam along with the other 52 ethnic groups.

[Back to Page « Vietnam, land of 54 etnies]

The Mường (Dân tộc Mường)

j050807 Culture, Ethnies, Histoire, Văn Hóa, Vietnam

 

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Being the third largest minority in today’s Vietnam by number (estimated at 1.4 million people), the Mường have long been established in the provinces of Hoà Bình, Thanh Hoá, Phú Thọ, Sơn La, Ninh Bình, etc.
According to the worthy Vietnamese successor of the French ethnologist Jeanne Cuisinier, Trần Từ (or Nguyễn Đức Từ Chi), the word Mường is used by the Vietnamese (or the Kinh) to designate the region where there are several Mường villages. The Vietnamese take advantage of this usage to name this people. They often refer to themselves by a name related to the region where they live: mol, moan in Hoà Bình, mwanl in Thanh Hoá, or Mol, Monl in Thanh Sơn, and it precisely means « người » (person, individual).

By delving into the narrative of their creation myth (Ngu Kơ and Lương Wong) and that of the Vietnamese (Âu Cơ – Lạc Long Quân), one realizes that they might have originated from the same people whom history and geography divided into two groups around the 9th-10th centuries: the first consisting of the Vietnamese who moved down to the plains and underwent strong Chinese influence, and the other composed of the Mường who remained in the most remote corners of the mountainous regions and received strong influence from the Thai who were massively pushed south of Chinese territory. This is why the Mường continue to be closer to the Vietnamese in terms of language. They belong to the same Việt-Mường group of the Austroasiatic language family (Ngữ hệ Nam Á), which also includes the Mon-Khmer subfamily. This is the origin of the tones in Vietnamese (6 tones) that allowed the French scholar A.G. Haudricourt to affirm in his 1954 work the belonging of Vietnamese to the Austroasiatic languages, an opinion now commonly shared by many foreign researchers and Vietnamese linguists. The French ethnologist Christine Hemmet from the Musée de l’Homme (Paris) reiterated this affiliation during a conference on May 18, 2000, on ethnic plurality, multilingualism, and the development of Vietnam.

Then this Việt-Mường group split into two independent languages: Vietnamese and Mường from the 14th to the 16th century. With Chinese and French borrowings, the former managed to experience at the beginning of the 20th century a remarkable development with its quốc ngữ in the field of Vietnamese literature where it succeeded in expressing all the nuances of thought and feeling in all aspects of life (1). As for the latter, it was isolated from foreign influence and remained in the state that it has today. This Mường language is found, that of the Vietnamese of old (or Proto-Vietnamese). For the Mường, the Vietnamese (or Kinh) descend from common ancestors and share the same blood as them. That is why they are accustomed to saying in one of their popular songs the following two lines:

Though you and I are TWO,
You and I, though ONE, become TWO.
Although you and I are TWO beings, we are but ONE.
Being ONE single being, you and I could always be considered as TWO.

It is also in one of the Muong legends (Đức Thánh Tản Viên) that we find the repeated struggles between the water and mountain spirits mentioned by the Vietnamese in their famous legend « Sơn Tinh Thủy Tinh. » This clearly shows how close the Vietnamese and the Muong are, despite their different destinies, to the point that even their legends are not so distinct. Two famous Vietnamese kings came from the Muong (Lê Đại Hành and Lê Lợi). However, in terms of social and cultural organization, the Muong today are closer to the Thái and the Tày.

The territory inhabited by the Muong is divided into regions (or mường) whose chiefs are lords called « lang cun, » each comprising 20 or 30 hamlets. These are led by « lang đạo, » descendants of the heroic founders of these hamlets, and are named according to their topographical situation: Xóm Ðác (hamlet next to a waterfall), Xóm Ðung (hamlet near the forest), Xóm Ðôn (hamlet on a hill), Xóm Thung (hamlet in a valley), or according to the names of familiar fruit trees: Xóm Trạch (bamboo hamlet), Xóm Mít (jackfruit hamlet), etc., or according to the names of animals: Xóm Hò (Turtle hamlet), Xóm Oong (Bee hamlet), etc., or according to the categories of Muong society: Xóm Chiềng (hamlet where the lang cun (or feudal lord) lives), Xóm Roong (hamlet belonging to farmers).

In traditional Mường society, the establishment of an oligarchy can be seen. This system, called NHÀ LANG in Vietnamese, is essentially based on the right of the first occupant to own the land, forests, and rivers, to cultivate them, and to bequeath them always to the eldest descendants of the male lineage from generation to generation, in accordance with the tradition observed in the worship of Mường ancestors. This allows NHÀ LANG to practically control three-quarters of the land, which is cultivated and maintained through periodic rotations of teams of village laborers, granting them the right to exploit the remaining quarter of the land as compensation. Despite these shortcomings, it cannot be denied that there is a fairly democratic relationship between NHÀ LANG and the Mường.

Compared to the feudal land system of Vietnam at that time, NHÀ LANG of the Mường has undeniable progressive factors because it defends not only its own rights but also those of the Mường. It must help the Mường villagers in cases of drought, famine, or poor harvests. It must be held accountable if its lang cun behaves in a manner unworthy of its rank. This is the case, for example, if the son of the latter commits a dishonorable act such as violating a village woman or getting into a fight in the street.

One can go as far as to depose the lang cun if he does not properly assume his authority and duties. In this case, the villagers can appeal to NHÀ LANG for his replacement. This also applies when the lang cun has no male heirs. It is also the responsibility of NHÀ LANG to organize the festivities related to the harvests and the feasts associated with the worship of the spirits. However, there are rules that the Mường villagers cannot ignore. They cannot marry a daughter of NHÀ LANG because she can only choose people of her rank and from NHÀ LANG. Similarly, a village woman who is randomly chosen as a wife by the lang cun and has children with him cannot claim to play an important role in NHÀ LANG. Her children cannot become lang cun because this position is reserved only for the eldest male descendants whose mother must be a daughter from NHÀ LANG. The members of NHÀ LANG are respected even if they are young. Regardless of the child’s age, a villager must respectfully address him as « Chàng » or « Nàng » when he is a boy or a girl from NHÀ LANG.

The hierarchy is so respected that it is possible to know the affiliation of the person in question. Moreover, this system allows the Lang Cun to have a monopoly on certain names (Ðinh, Hà, etc.). It was abolished in the 1950s by the Vietnamese government during the organization of agricultural cooperatives. Despite this, the system remains one of the original features of traditional Muong society and is one of the traditions that cannot be ignored when talking about the Muong. To refer to this system, the Muong habitually say: Mường có lang, làng có tạo. (Regions have lang just as villages have tạo (or Đạo in Vietnamese)). The term LANG ĐẠO is used to designate this system.

The Muong are accustomed to choosing lowlands and rugged terrain to build their houses. These are generally built against the slopes of hills and mountains to benefit from pure air and to facilitate movement for hunting and gathering. Each of these houses has a four-sided roof resembling a turtle shell. Their houses stand on very low stilts and are built on three levels. This corresponds well to the Muong conception of the creation of the universe: a celestial and terrestrial world (thiên giới và trần giới), a marine world (thủy quốc), and an underground world (âm phủ). The first level is reserved for food storage. It is, in a way, the granary.

The second level corresponds exactly to the place where family activities take place and where visitors are received. As for the last level located below the floor, it is intended for raising livestock and storing agricultural tools. The construction of their house must meet both material and spiritual requirements. For the Mường, the window of the room (voong tong) where the ancestor altar is located is very sacred. No one has the right to lean on this window or pass objects through it because, according to the Mường, the ancestors are not so separated from the living. They continue to participate with them in the major occasions of their existence. Furthermore, the two staircases of the house each have an odd number of steps. The main staircase, located very close to the entrance room (voong toong), is reserved exclusively for men. As for the women, they are obliged to take the second staircase, which is not far from their inner room (voong khua). The Mường improvise ingenious hydraulic systems (wheels, channels, etc.) to channel and raise water in order to irrigate the extraordinary terraced rice fields on the slopes of the hills. They also practice slash-and-burn agriculture, which provides them with benzoin, sugarcane, cassava, corn, etc.

Compared to other ethnic minorities, Mường costumes are quite unique. Men dress very simply. They wear indigo-colored pants. However, the clothing of Mường women is more complicated.

In general, the traditional costume of women includes: a white or blue turban (mu) made from a square piece of fabric measuring 35 cm x 150 cm, tied at the back of the neck; a camisole (yếm or ạo báng); a short shirt (áo cánh or ạo pắn in the Mường language); a long black skirt (váy or kloốc in the Mường language) reaching the ankle; and a wide belt made of silk or fabric.

The short Mường shirt, which is white, pale green, or pink, has four panels, with the two at the back sewn very well and the two at the front each having a long border running from the neck to the hem of the jacket. Similar to Vietnamese women, Mường women wear short shirts with a fairly round neckline measuring about 2.5 cm or 3 cm and two long sleeves. These shirts are open at the front and often unbuttoned; they are intended to cover the camisole, whose lower hem is neatly tucked behind the wide silk or coarse fabric belt of the skirt (cạp váy), vividly illustrating folkloric charm and seduction. This is the main distinctive feature that draws attention in Mường women’s costumes.

In the constitution of this wide belt, there are three rectangular bands with rich ornaments called respectively « dang trên, » « dang cao, » and « dang dưới, » which are sewn firmly together. The « dang dưới » band stands out from the other two by the richness of the motifs representing hieratic animals (dragons, phoenixes, turtles, etc.) or familiar ones (snakes, cranes, fish, etc.). The tunic (ạo chụng) is preferred over the jacket on festive days. The color of the outfit changes according to the status of the Mường woman. For her wedding, she must wear a long green tunic, while the white color is reserved for her maid of honor (dâu phụ). Funeral clothes (đồ tem) are always made inside out with frayed lower hems.

Among these, there is a mourning bonnet, a skirt without the wide multicolored rectangular belt, a short white shirt, and a belt made of rough fabric. In case of mourning for the in-laws, the Mường bride usually wears a black skirt, a camisole, a short shirt, and a red brocade jacket. The Mường have a saying: Diện như nàng dâu đi quạt (1) (Beautify oneself like the bride at the time of funerals). The outfit remains the same except that the short shirt must be white when the bride’s parents are still alive.

To show their differences from the Vietnamese, the Mường have a very well-known proverb:

Cơm đồ, nhà gác, nứớc vác, lợn thui, ngày lùi, tháng tới.

Steamed or simmered rice, stilt houses, water contained in bamboo tubes carried on the shoulder, spit-roasted pork, day behind and month ahead.

These are the characteristic customs of the Mường that are not found among today’s Vietnamese. The Mường prepare most foods and cakes from rice: glutinous rice (lõ kẳm) (2) and ordinary cooked rice (gạo tẻ). There are several types of cakes: rice cake (bánh chưng) during the Tết festivals, bánh bò or bánh trâu cakes in honor of the buffalo spirit (vía trâu), uôi cake for funerals, bắng cake for weddings, ống cake for engagements, etc.

For the calculation of days and months, the Mường rely on the Ðoi calendar, which is different from that of the Vietnamese. Ðoi is a star that moves faster than the moon. Based on the movement of this star, their Ðoi calendar is 4 months ahead of the Vietnamese lunar calendar.

Similar to the Vietnamese, the Mường have a communal house (đình) reserved for the tutelary spirit (or thành hoàng) in each hamlet or village. They believe in the existence of a large number of malevolent spirits that haunt the forests and that they call ma-khũ (or ma qũi in Vietnamese).These are disembodied souls wandering in the world of the dead and the living and can cause troubles for humans.

For the Mường, there are several souls within a human being that they call wại. These are divided into two categories: wại kang (the splendid souls) and wại thặng (the hard souls). The former are superior and immortal, while the latter, attached to the body, are evil. Death is only the consequence of the escape of these souls. Thanks to the funeral rite (ma chay), the superior souls can reside in the sky. They will need to be accompanied by the help and care of the family during their perilous migration. This is reflected in the affection and attachment that the Mường particularly reserve for the deceased through a set of rules regarding clothing, decoration, and accompaniment of the coffin (a split and hollowed-out wooden trunk). By performing the last rite, the souls will rest in peace; otherwise, the hard souls may become harmful and malevolent by turning into floating and dangerous spirits (Ma). This funeral rite (mo tang) can last several days (at least 12 days) and requires the presence of a sorcerer (or mo in the Mường language).


According to the Mường, the deceased possesses a supernatural force that prevents the living from communicating with them and helping them materially or spiritually. Only the thầy mo (or sorcerer) can do this. It is his responsibility to guide, before the burial, the soul of the deceased through all the administrative procedures with the celestial lord (Chạo Hẹ) to obtain a judgment. This will be delivered in a basket of ashes placed at the entrance of the house’s door, at the spot where the deceased is supposed to return home. There is a trial because during his life, the deceased sacrificed many animals for his consumption.

Depending on the verdict of the judgment revealed through the interpretation of signs or traces by the sorcerer, he may be condemned to reincarnate in the body of one of these sacrificed animals or henceforth lead a peaceful life. The sorcerer holds an important place in the Mường funeral rite. He is the one who accompanies the soul of the deceased to go collect money from the paternal grandfather’s house (ta keo heng), then borrow clothes from the house of Thiên mư, register in the ghost register (sổ ma) to facilitate movement, and finally provide essential everyday objects in the world of ghosts. He is also the one who gives the soul of the deceased the last meal and helps move their belongings into the tomb at night. There are a large number of objects: bowls, dishes, water jars, etc., and bronze drums for a lang cung (or feudal lord). Then it is up to the children of the deceased to organize, at the end of the third day of the funeral, a ceremony celebrating the return of his soul home before being able to begin his worship. This allows the deceased to be present from then on at all major occasions and at all feasts enlivening daily life: weddings, New Year celebrations, house inaugurations, etc. Similar to the Vietnamese, the Mường solemnly celebrate the anniversary of the death of the deceased and they wear mourning. The deceased is now part of the ancestors who have been honored on the family altar up to the fifth generation. Ancestor worship is very important in the spiritual life of the Mường.

Ma Chay
Similar to other ethnic minorities in Vietnam, the Mường are animists. They believe that everything has a soul. That is why their worship includes a large number of spirits, gods, and malevolent or benevolent spirits. Even in each Mường family, there is a benevolent spirit (or the ancestor demon (ma tổ tiên)) believed to protect the family. This is why there is a tradition that the Mường must observe after announcing the death of a loved one. The eldest son of the deceased must strike the door of the deceased’s house three times in a row with a knife to blame the family demon for not intervening in time during the father’s death. Before cutting down large trees in the forest, the Mường present an offering to the tree spirit (Thần cây) along with the axe that will be used for the work. Even when killing game during a hunt, they are obliged to pay homage to the predator spirit by offering the head and a shoulder once the animal is skinned. This is somewhat an honorable fine to the protector of predators, a custom frequently found among other hunting peoples. The Mường customarily venerate rocks, red pumpkins at the time of moving into a new house (lễ tân gia), the cây si tree, family totems, water sources, earth and kitchen spirits, etc.

Among the Mường, the resurrection and reincarnation of the soul are taboo subjects. For them, the soul is multiple, indestructible, and immortal, whether good or bad. In this Mường conception, the birth of a child is surrounded by mystery. They have asked many questions about its identity: child, spirit, malevolent spirit, or ancestral ghost?

Furthermore, for the Mường, the birth of the first child marks the beginning of maturity for young parents. They also rely on their children to have a peaceful retirement later on. The following Mường saying shows how much this support is desired:

Trẻ cậy cha, gìa cậy con
The young rely on their father just as the old rely on their children.

BIRTH

That is why the birth of a child holds an important place in the life of the Mường. To prepare for any eventuality, the Mường take a great number of usual and ritual precautions related to pregnancy and birth. When the mother is pregnant, she must follow certain immutable rules that have existed since time immemorial: protect herself against malevolent spirits with a leaf when passing in front of cemeteries and temples, avoid funerals (a harmful effect for the mother and her future child’s health), and weddings (a possible divorce for the parents),

refrain from walking on the bark of the tree used in the making of coffins (a possible miscarriage), do not flee in front of the snake to prevent the newborn from having an elongated tongue outside of its mouth, avoid eating « twin » fruits (a possible multiple birth), facilitate childbirth by waking up early in the morning and opening all the doors of the house, always maintain serenity and joy, avoid anger, etc.

Similarly, the husband must observe many prohibitions. He is forbidden to carry the coffin, to replace the roof of the house, and to renovate the house. As her childbirth approaches, the pregnant Muong woman has no interest in visiting her parents’ house because if the event occurs, she will be forced to give birth under the floor where the livestock are kept. According to the Muong, the pregnant woman is no longer part of their family (Con gái là con của người ta) but is the daughter of her husband’s family. The child born does not share the same blood as the family (khác máu tanh lỏng). This could later bring misfortune to the people of the house. For a girl who becomes pregnant without a husband, her delivery cannot take place in the house. It must be held in the garden. The punishment is the same for the girl who commits the fault of becoming pregnant before marriage.

In general, childbirth takes place at home. The happy event of the birth is announced by the presence of a distinctive sign always placed on the left (if it is a boy) and on the right (if it is a girl) at the entrance of the house. This sign will be removed at the end of the seventh day for a boy and the ninth day for a girl. Sometimes, the intervention of the sorcerer (thầy mo) is desirable in case it is believed that malevolent spirits are involved and held responsible for these difficulties.

There are many restrictions for the woman but also for the husband during the pregnancy. Even after birth, the child continues to be the cause of the greatest troubles for the parents during the first years of life. According to the Mường, the soul attached to its body is so fickle and wandering that it can escape from the body at any time. That is why the child, before leaving the house, needs to be protected by attaching a silver bracelet (pwok wai) to their wrists or ankles, which serves to prevent the soul from leaving. In case the soul leaves the body, this bracelet would allow it to return and take possession of the child. Moreover, to ensure that nothing happens to the child during the first years, the Mường parents organize a ritual ceremony known as cak wai to place the child under the protection of the protective spirits Mẹ Mụ.

These are, in a way, the celestial nurses of the child’s soul. The Mu have the right to have in each Mường house their altar, which is inaugurated after the first birth.

One cannot overlook the relationship between husband and wife among the Mường because it is one of the prominent traits that allows them to acquire commendable qualities and to establish a society that is peaceful, humanistic, hospitable, and altruistic.

Essentially based on fidelity, love, and happiness, this relationship helps to cement Mường society and enables it to better withstand the changes in customs that Vietnam has experienced since its reunification.

Despite the ease of being able to talk, meet, and get to know each other before marriage, young people cannot overstep the principles and demands that Mường tradition has established since time immemorial. A man must be serious, strong, upright, and kind. These are the qualities required of a man to be able to marry; otherwise, it is difficult for him to find a wife in Mường society. « Học ăn, học nói, học gói, học mở » (Learn to behave, to speak, to face, and to untie life’s difficulties) is the motto that one would like to apply in the search for a future husband for a Mường girl.

A man must know how to build the house, weave straw roofing panels, raise livestock, etc… It is also common to say in a Mường proverb: Một đàn ông không dựng nổi nhà (a man is incapable of building the house) to show how deeply they are attached to this preconceived notion. This requirement is easy to understand because in a harsh environment and in a society that is both supportive and hierarchical, a Mường man must demonstrate his ability and live up to this expectation. As for the Mường woman, she is not well off either. She is expected to possess certain qualities: to have good conduct, speak softly, be courteous, know how to make her own clothes, etc…

MARRIAGE

Haunted by the following proverb « Một đàn bà không cắt nổi gianh » (A woman is incapable of cutting the thatch), the Mường are led to have a clearer judgment about their future daughter-in-law and to discern her qualities and faults with lucidity. The motto « Lấy vợ xem tông, lấy chồng xem họ » (Marry a woman after observing her lineage, choose a husband after knowing his family) is also not foreign to their behavior and observation in marriage. To succeed in this, they need the help of a matchmaker (bà mờ) (1), who is in a way the central pivot in this difficult matter. She is not only the privileged interface between two families but also the responsible and committed witness of the transactions arising from these two families. She must be close to the future bride’s family. She must have talent in communication to convince people. The following Mường proverb: « Thiếu gì nước trong giếng, thiếu gì tiếng trong mồm mà không nói ra cho vừa lòng nhau » (There is so much water in the well, so many sounds in the mouth. Why can’t we find words to please each other?) shows the Mường’s strong attachment to communication.

His respect is unquestionable in the village. His profile meets many of the criteria required by Mường tradition: having an irreproachable life within his couple and family. It is obvious for her to have both a son and a daughter according to a Mường proverb: có nếp, có tẻ (there is sticky rice and ordinary rice). Before starting her approach with the woman’s family, she must consult the Đoi calendar (2) because, according to calculations, there are certainly harmful months and hours in the day (tháng thướm, giờ thướm) that must be avoided at all costs for the marriage. This is also the case for the Vietnamese with the « Ngâu » month, which they must prohibit for this event. She is supposed to know the birth date of each of the spouses to later avoid problems of incompatibility and discord in the couple. In case of divorce or failure, all grievances and reproaches from both sides will fall on her. Moreover, she will receive the blame from the local lord (quan lang).

After obtaining all the necessary information and the green light from the husband’s family, the matchmaker can begin to set the first meeting (Thoỏng thiếng or ướm tiếng) with the family of the future bride. She must inform all her relatives of this happy event and sometimes ask for their advice. During this visit, she usually gives the girl’s family a bottle of wine, which is immediately hung inside the house on the main pillar. If this bottle of wine is served after the meeting, the matchmaker will be sure of the success of her mission. Otherwise, she will leave with the bottle of wine. Known in Mường as « Tì kháo thiếng, » this step is followed at least 3 or 4 times by the back-and-forth (or nòm in Mường) of the matchmaker who does not immediately obtain agreement the first time. It is in the interest of the future bride’s family to show the matchmaker that this is an important matter requiring a period of reflection and consultation with the girl. This allows the relationship between the two families to deepen and become more intimate through the matchmaker.

Thanks to the back-and-forth exchanges (or nòm), it is ensured that the husband and wife possess all the required qualities. It is at the end of the last nòm that the date to celebrate the « nòm cả » (main nòm) will be chosen. Known as « ăn hỏi or tì nòm, » this ceremony is celebrated with great pomp. Among the gifts from the future husband, there are many symbolic items including a pig, 20 tubes of rice liquor (rượu cần), 2 pairs of sugarcane boots, betel leaves, plain sticky rice cakes (bánh chưng) without filling (không nhân), moral beauty, and a tacit agreement on the virginity of the future bride. All offered gifts must be in even numbers. It is during this ceremony that the future husband is introduced to the bride’s family. This introduction is known as mường: ti cháu (lễ ra mắt chú rể). At the end of this ceremony, the bride’s family will discuss the dowry with the future husband’s parents. Known in mường as « thách cưới (challenging the marriage), » it is easily accepted by the latter to show that they can meet this financial demand and to avoid losing face. It is the matchmaker’s responsibility to negotiate the dowry cost, reduce it, or outright refuse the marriage. Sometimes, the future husband is assured by the promise from the bride’s family of receiving a share of the inheritance in case she has no male heirs.

Known for her studies on the Mường, the French ethnologist Jeanne Cuisinier saw in this bargaining an act of purchase for the bride and groom. Nothing fully justifies this interpretation because on the daughter’s family’s side, there is indeed an act of commitment, a moral guarantee for this marriage with the participation of her entire lineage and a sincerity to want to perpetuate the couple’s life through this demanding financial requirement. In case of divorce, the wife’s family must return in full all the dowry received at the time of the marriage. This is an additional constraint that helps to avoid separation and to carefully consider before any irreversible act. It is also one of the factors that help explain the family and social cohesion of the Mường compared to other ethnic groups, particularly the Kinh. Moreover, for the future husband, there is a promise to grant him a share of the inheritance and a custom of adopting him into a family without male heirs. This is not really the meaning of the term « purchase » as found in its definition because the future husband will still receive a dowry in compensation.

According to Mường tradition, the official ceremony takes place three years after the main nòm. This is the period during which the future spouses should get to know each other, exchange conversations, and smooth out differences in order to facilitate their married life later on. This time, the ceremony starts very early in the morning because the matchmaker, accompanied by the groom’s relatives, must bring a large number of objects and animals that meet the requirements set at the time of the main nòm (a buffalo, two pigs, 5 or 6 baskets of sticky rice, a bunch of areca nuts, about a hundred betel leaves, 20 tubes of rice liquor, etc.). The number of people in the entourage must be even. Being received by the bride’s family and participating with others in a feast organized in their honor, the matchmaker will ask the bride’s parents for permission to bring their daughter to her husband’s house at a time deemed appropriate and lucky for the couple. Before leaving, the bride must pray in front of the ancestral altar and then perform lạy (a traditional Vietnamese gesture of respect) before her grandparents and parents. On the way back, she wears a conical hat and always carries a knife in her hand to ward off evil spirits and protect her « soul. » She is forbidden to turn her head backward. It takes time because, in most cases, the villages are very far from each other. That is why it is customary to say in Mường:Làm rể vào buổi trưa, làm dâu vào buổi tối. (One becomes the son-in-law in the morning, the daughter-in-law in the evening).

Once she arrives, she is welcomed by the husband’s sister, who asks her to wash her feet and step over a bundle of wood before climbing the house stairs. She is required to pray immediately in front of the kitchen spirit altar before performing the same gesture in front of the ancestors’ altar and the husband’s parents. Then a ritual ceremony (lễ tơ hồng) takes place in the middle of the house in the presence of the newlyweds. This will be followed by a feast in honor of the new couple. A few days later, the husband will return to the bride’s house for his first visit (lễ ra mặt). In the past, there was a period of challenge (bù mà ruộng) before they could truly begin their married life.

For the Vietnamese, the Mường are not only a minority ethnic group but also a people who preserve an original common culture. This is why it is in the interest of the Vietnamese to conduct ethnographic studies on the Mường, as through them, they have succeeded in better understanding the way of life of their ancestors as well as their archaic and millenary culture. The Vietnamese ethnologist Nguyễn Từ Chi had the opportunity to recall the characteristic traits of the Mường in Vietnamese culture in his book « The Mường Cosmology (Vũ trụ quan Mường). » Without the Mường, it is believed that Vietnamese culture is that of the Chinese, a widely false and erroneous opinion over the centuries. They deserve to always be the cousins of the Vietnamese or rather twin brothers, as they have often said in one of their popular songs:

Ta với mình tuy hai mà một
Mình với ta tuy một thành hai.
Mặc dù tôi và bạn là HAI bản thể, nhưng chúng ta là MỘT.
Là  MỘT, tôi và bạn, chúng ta luôn có thể được coi là HAI.

Though you and I are TWO, we are ONE
Though I and you are ONE, we become TWO
Although you and I are TWO beings, we are but ONE.
Being ONE single being, you and I could always be considered as TWO.

The Mường are more than ever the survivors of the ancient culture of the Vietnamese. They are here to bear witness and to remind the Vietnamese that they, like them, have their own culture that allows them to distinguish themselves from the Chinese and that deserves to be known and preserved for future generations in the face of the rapid evolution of today’s Vietnamese society.

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(1) Quạt: this word is used to refer to funerals (quạt ma).
(2) Glutinous rice is a type of rice whose grain is black.
(3) Sometimes it is a matchmaker (ồng mờ).
(4) Đoi calendar: a unique feature of Mường culture. This calendar consists of twelve bamboo pieces carved with lines to facilitate the indication of phenomena and climatic changes.

Bibliography

Người Mường ở Viet Nam. Editeur : Nhà Xuất Bản Thông Tấn. Hànôi.
Mosaïque culturelle du Vietnam. Nguyễn Văn Huy. Maison d’édition de l’éducation. 1997.
Bàn thêm về chế độ Nhà Lang trong xã hội Mường cổ truyền. Dưong Hà Hiếu.
Đám cưới truyền thống Mường. Phạm Lệ Hoa. Trường sư phạm nghệ thuật trung ương. National University of Art Education.
Rituels de naissance et liens de l’âme chez les Mường du Vietnam. Stéfane Boussat, Marcel Rufo.
À la recherche de l’origine de la langue vietnamienne. Nguyễn Văn Nhàn.  Synergies riverains du Mékong. N° pp 35-44