Pô Nagar shrine (Sanctuaire Pô Nagar): Part 2

Thánh Mẫu Thiên Y A Na

ponagar2

The main  kalan

French version 

With its height of 22.8 meters, this main kalan is one of the tallest towers in Cham architecture. Its style is considered an intermediate style between the Mỹ Sơn A-1 style and that of Bình Định (11th-12th century). It is distinguished by a square base and a tapered three-tiered roof. This roof is so ornate and well-preserved to this day that it is impossible not to appreciate its beauty and splendor despite the visible absence of the crest (kailasa or the residence of Shiva). One of the characteristics of this roof is the presence of stone animals (vahana) (goats on the first tier, geese (hamsa) on the second tier, and elephants on the top tier).

ponagar3

The South temple

Despite the deterioration of its roof over time, it continues to maintain its charm and is a very original and unique model in Cham art. It was built by Senapati (1) Par of King Harivarman with the purpose of creating a temple for the Sandhakalinga (a hermaphrodite linga) and to present together Shiva and Bhagavarti in the form of a mukhalinga, half-god, half-goddess.

To respond to this fusion form of these two masculine and feminine deities, a new architectural adaptation appears through this temple. The building has two parts: the square body attached to the vestibule and the domed roof whose composition recalls those of Hưng Thạnh and Bằng An.

The body of this temple is relatively low and has three false doors adorned with six superimposed spearheads whose size increases towards the back. At the level of its pedestal, there are borders in the shape of lotus flowers. The entire base of this kalan is decorated with lotus petals engraved in squares.

Its vestibule is quite long and has a raised pediment.

Thanks to Cham inscriptions, it is known that the Southeast and Northwest towers were built by the governor of Panduranga and commander-in-chief Senapati Par or Parraun of King Harivarman, one for the deity Sri Maladakuthara (another form of Bhagavati) and the other for Sri Vinayaka (Ganesa)(2). The deity Maladakuthara, called the little goddess (yan pu aneh), was presented as the daughter of the great goddess of Pô Nagar.
Southeast Temple
This is also one of the reasons explaining why the Southeast tower was placed next to Bhagavarti (main kalan) and the Sivalinga (South temple).

To respond to this fusion form of these two masculine and feminine deities, a new architectural adaptation appears through this temple. The building has two parts: the square body attached to the vestibule and the domed roof whose composition recalls those of Hưng Thạnh and Bằng An.

The body of this temple is relatively low and has three false doors adorned with six superimposed spearheads whose size increases towards the back. At the level of its pedestal, there are borders in the shape of lotus flowers. The entire base of this kalan is decorated with lotus petals engraved in squares.

Its vestibule is quite long and has a raised pediment.

Thanks to Cham inscriptions, it is known that the Southeast and Northwest towers were built by the governor of Panduranga and commander-in-chief Senapati Par or Parraun of King Harivarman, one for the deity Sri Maladakuthara (another form of Bhagavati) and the other for Sri Vinayaka (Ganesa)(2). The deity Maladakuthara, called the little goddess (yan pu aneh), was presented as the daughter of the great goddess of Pô Nagar.

     Southeast Temple

ponagar4

This is also one of the reasons explaining why the Southeast tower was placed next to Bhagavarti (main kalan) and the Sivalinga (South temple).

[Return to CHAMPA]

Bibliographic references.danseuse

Les ruines Cham. A la recherche d’une civilisation éteinte. Trần Kỳ Phương. Editeur Thế Giới 1993

Po Nagar de Nha Trang. Anne-Valérie Schweyer. Aséanie 14, Décembre 2004, p. 109-140

Pérégrinations culturelles au Champa. Nguyễn Văn Kự- Ngô Văn Doanh. Editeurs EFEO- Thế Giới Publishers 2005.

Văn Hóa Cổ Chămpa. Ngô Văn Doanh. Editeur Nhà Xuất Bản Văn Hóa Dân Tộc 2002.

 

Po Nagar Shrine (Sanctuaire Po Nagar): Part 1

Thánh Địa Po Nagar

Version française

Version vietnamienne

This sanctuary is a must-visit for those who have the opportunity to visit Nha Trang, the most upscale seaside resort in Vietnam. Located on a hill at the mouth of the Cái River, it was built continuously from the 8th to the 13th century according to inscriptions found on site. The appearance of this sanctuary in the Champa kingdom is linked to the turmoil that Champa experienced in the 8th century. The Champa kingdom was actually a federation of several states or rather « city-states, » with the most powerful one playing the role of « leader » (vai trò chủ đạo). Upon the advent of a new dynasty, its pura ascended to the top rank and thus became the capital of the kingdom. Thanks to Chinese historical documents and Cham inscriptions, it is known that until the beginning of the 7th century, the pura (or city-state) of Singhapura (lion citadel) in Trà Kiệu (in the current district of Duy Xuyên, Quảng Nam province) predominated.

At that time, the northern royal lineage was always protected by the male deity Bhadresvara, a linga representing a benevolent form of Shiva honored in the most sacred sanctuary of Mỹ Sơn. A new royal lineage soon made itself recognized in the mid-8th century in the southern part of the Champa kingdom (Kauthara) and needed another deity to protect it.
Po Nagar Shrine

The Trà Kiệu and Mỹ Sơn region, belonging to the current Quảng Nam province (the Cham province of Amaravâti), thus lost its importance in favor of Khánh Hòa (Nha Trang plain) and Ninh Thuận (Phan Rang region). Although its political center of power (Virapura) has not been located to this day, it is claimed to be somewhere around Phan Rang. On the other hand, it is certain that a major political event took place in the south of this kingdom, as this perfectly aligns with the date 758 provided in Chinese annals to mark the beginning of the Huanwang period (or Hoàn Vương in Vietnamese), lasting about 100 years. Lin Yi (or Lâm Ấp in Vietnamese), the former name given to this kingdom, is no longer used and is replaced by Huanwang in Chinese texts. This deity is a one-faced linga and is honored in the sacred Pô Nagar sanctuary located by the sea. She is clearly feminine and presented as the shakti of Shiva, Bhagavati.

Despite the sidelining of the Prathivindravarman lineage of the South reported in Chinese annals in 859 and the seizure of supreme power by the Bhrgu lineage in the northern kingdom at Indrapura (near Hội An) in 875 with the new king Indravarman II, the deity of Nha Trang in Kauthara continued to be honored as the protective goddess of the kingdom.

This shows the willingness of the Bhrgu lineage to integrate it into a coherent religious system which, until then based on the veneration of Bhadresvara (Mỹ Sơn sanctuary), recognizes a complementary position for Bhagavarti. The religious bipolarity around the god Bhadresvara at Mỹ Sơn and the goddess Bhagavati at Nha Trang would henceforth dominate the entire kingdom. The veneration of Bhagavarti aligns not only with the importance given to the matrilineal system adopted by the Chams but also with the unity the Chams needed at that time in the face of their enemies (Vietnamese, Khmers, and Javanese).

In order to acclimate to an unfamiliar natural environment where the stupas and religious constructions of the Chams, bearing the deep mark of Indian culture, were visibly strange, frightening, and mysterious with statues of Brahma, Shiva, Vishnu, and Pô Nagar, these new Vietnamese arrivals were forced to develop a lifestyle adapted to their new cultural environment. They did not hesitate to use the remnants of Cham culture to transpose them into their own religious universe and places of worship. They attempted to establish harmony between the supernatural and temporal powers of the territories they had managed to conquer. Fearing to disturb local spirits capable of bringing them harm, they sometimes appropriated the places of worship of the defeated or local people. This is the case of the Pô Nagar sanctuary where the Champa goddess Uma was appropriated by the Vietnamese. They did not hesitate to assimilate the legend of Po Nagar into a mythology arranged in their own way without managing to erase the Cham substrate of the myth. The Champa goddess thus became Thiên Y A Na (Thiên Y Thánh Mẫu) of the Vietnamese. This appropriation is renewed in other places in Vietnam during the southward march: the Black Lady in Tây Ninh or the goddess Chúa Xứ on Mount Sam (Châu Đốc).

In his inventory of Cham towers located on the Pô Nagar site, the French archaeologist Henri Parmentier recorded about a dozen worship buildings grouped in an area of 500 m2 at the top of a hill. Due to weathering and war, only 5 buildings remain spread over two construction levels. At the top, there are two rows of towers, the first consisting of three towers from north to south: the main tower dedicated to the goddess Yan Pu Nagara (or Thiên Y A Na in Vietnamese), the southern temple, and the southeastern kalan. As for the second row, only one tower with a curved saddle-shaped roof remains, dedicated to the children of Thiên Y A Na.

Facing the main tower of the first row, at the lower level, stands an open mandapa consisting of two rows of ten octagonal brick columns, each measuring three meters in height and more than one meter in diameter, surrounded by fourteen similar columns of smaller size. These columns were intended to support a roof shaped like an inverted boat hull, whose structure was made of wood.

This mandapa was built by Senapati Par and mentioned in the steles erected by this general of King Harivarman in 817. It was connected to the main tower by a brick staircase. This type of building is found at other Cham sites: Mỹ Sơn (Đà Nẵng), Po Kloong Garai (Phan Rang), or Bánh Ít (Bình Định). According to Henri Parmentier, next to these brick buildings, there was a wooden temple (or bimong in Cham) which was somewhat a resting place for offerings.
Thanks to Cham inscriptions, we learn that in 774, the wooden religious sanctuary of Pô Nagar was pillaged and destroyed by the Javanese (Chà Và in Vietnamese). This term refers to the populations of the South Seas, i.e., the archipelago and the Malay Peninsula. It was rebuilt in 784 in brick and stone by King Satyavarman. Then, around the middle of the 10th century, the site of Nha Trang was sacked by the Khmers, whose inscriptions spoke of the loot (a gold statue) taken from the goddess Bhagavati.

It was reinstalled in 965 by replacing a stone statue by King Indravarman. The 10th-century statue under the reign of King Jaya Paramesvaravarman could be the one still seen today in the main tower, but its head was restored in the Vietnamese style.

[Reading more]

Sculpture du Champa (VA, Part:1)

 

dieu_khac_champa

Version française
Version vietnamienne
Part 1

Until today, the exact ethnic origin of the Chams is not known. Some believe that they came from continental Asia and were pushed back along with other populations living in southern China (the Bai Yue) by the Chinese, while others (ethnologists, anthropologists, and linguists) highlighted their island origin through their research work.


Carving a statue is a religious act.


For the latter, the Chams were probably populations from the South Seas (the countries of the archipelagos or those of the Malay Peninsula). Cham oral traditions mentioning connections linking, in legendary times, Champa and Java support this latter hypothesis.
Nicknamed the Vikings of Southeast Asia, the Chams lived along the coasts of central and southern present-day Vietnam. Their main activities were essentially based on trade. They were in contact very early with China and territories as far away as the Malay Peninsula, possibly the coasts of South India.

Being dedicated to religious purposes, Cham sculpture was thus not immune to political repercussions and influences from outside, particularly those from India, Cambodia, and Java. These became the main forces of creation, development, and evolution of styles in their art. According to the French researcher Jean Boisselier, Cham sculpture was closely linked to history. Significant changes were noted in the development of Cham sculpture, especially statuary, with historical events, changes of dynasties, or the relations that Champa had with its neighbors (Vietnam or Cambodia). According to the Vietnamese researcher Ngô Văn Doanh, whenever there was a significant external impact, a new style in Cham sculpture soon appeared.

To illustrate this, it is enough to cite an example: in the 11th-12th centuries, the intensification of violent contacts especially with Vietnam and Cambodia, and the emergence of new concepts related to the foundations of royal power can explain the originality and richness found in the style of Tháp Mắm.

Hình ảnh điêu khắc cổ Chămpa

Being the expression of the Indian pantheon (Brahmanist but especially Shaivist and Buddhist), Cham sculpture rather resorts to the local interpretation of concepts and norms coming from outside with elegance than to servile imitation. It is above all a support for meditation and a proof of devotion. Sculpting a statue is a religious act. Subject to religious norms, the Cham sculptor, with his skillful hands, succeeded in fervently giving the inert stone a soul, a divine representation allowing the conveyance of the religious concept he wished to transmit with faith. Cham sculpture is peaceful. No scenes of horror are depicted. There are only somewhat fanciful animal creatures (lions, dragons, birds, elephants, etc.). No violent or indecent forms are found in the deities. Despite the evolution of styles over history, Cham sculpture continues to maintain the same divine and animal creatures within a constant theme.

Makara
Cham art has succeeded in maintaining its specificity, its own facial expression, and its particular beauty without it being said that it is a servile copy of external models, thus preserving its uniqueness in Hindu sculpture found in India and Southeast Asia. Despite the lack of animation and realism, Cham works were mostly carved from sandstone and much more rarely from terracotta and other alloys (gold, silver, bronze, etc.).

Generally modest in size, they depict religious beliefs and worldviews. They cannot leave us indifferent because they always give us a strong strange impression. This is one of the characteristics of the beauty of Cham art. In Cham sculpture, one finds free-standing sculptures (round-bosses), high reliefs, and low reliefs. A free-standing sculpture is one that can be viewed from all sides to see the sculptor’s work. A high relief is a sculpture with a very prominent relief that does not detach from the background. As for the low relief, it is a sculpture with slight projection on a uniform background. In Cham sculpture, there is a tendency to emphasize the roundness of creatures in the reliefs. Few scenes are depicted in this sculpture. There is a noted lack of connection or coherence in the assembly when otherwise.


The creatures found in Cham sculpture tend to always emerge brilliantly from the space surrounding them. They have something monumental about them. Even when they are grouped together in the works of Mỹ Sơn, Trà Kiệu depicting the daily life of the Chams, they give us the impression that each one remains independent from the others.

One can say that the Cham sculptor focuses solely on the creature he wants to show and deify without ever thinking about excessively unrealistic details and imperfections (such as the too-large hand or the overly bent arm of the dancer from Trà Kiệu, for example) and without closely imitating the original Indian models, which gives this Cham sculpture the « monumental » character not found in other sculptures. This is another particularity found in this Cham sculpture.

The works are not numerous but they testify to a beautiful plastic quality and the expression of various religions. It is difficult to attribute them to a single style. On the other hand, some traits close to the tradition of Indian art from Amaravati can be noted. It was only in the second half of the 7th century, under the reign of King Prakasadharma Vikrantavarman I, that Cham sculpture began to take shape and reveal its originality.

[Sculpture of Champa (Part 2)]
[ Sculpture of Champa (Part 3)]

Palais Kiến Trung (VA)

Kiến Trung Palace

 

Version vietnamienne
Version française

Located at the northern end of the sacred axis crossing the center of the Purple Forbidden City, the Kiến Trung Palace is an architectural work built by King Khải Định between 1921 and 1923. It is also the first building where there is a combination of European style, including both French architecture and Italian Renaissance architecture, and traditional Vietnamese architecture. The facade of this palace is richly decorated with colorful ceramic motifs and fragments, thus bearing the imprint of the identity of the royal court of the Nguyễn dynasty. On the advice of several French architects and engineers and the Ministry of Public Works, this palace, responding to the aesthetic taste of the time, was completed in just two years, from 1921 to 1923, on the former site where two other architectural works previously known successively as Minh Viễn Lâu (1827) and Du Cửu Lâu (1913) had stood. According to the Hue Monuments Conservation Center, it has been known as Kiến Trung (Kiến « erected » and Trung « straight, no deformation« ).

This palace was considered the residence of the last two kings of the Nguyễn dynasty: Khải Định and Bảo Đại. It was here that King Khai Dinh passed away on November 6, 1925. During the reign of King Bảo Đại, the palace and its interior were renovated in a Western style, including the bathroom. It was also in this palace that Queen Nam Phương gave birth to the crown prince Bảo Long (January 4, 1936). During the Vietnam War, this palace was completely destroyed along with other residences of the Forbidden City. Since 2013, the Huế Monuments Conservation Center has begun launching the restoration project of the Kiến Trung palace. This project was implemented from February 2019 and completed in August 2023 with a total cost of more than 123 billion đồng.

Today, the Kiến Trung palace has become the favorite place for all tourists when visiting the Forbidden Purple City.

Kiến Trung Palace is visible through the long

Trường Lang Corridor

[Return HUE]

The Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu)

 

Temple of littérature 

One of the jewels in the heart of Hanoi

 (Một bảo vật giữa lòng thủ đô)

Version française

Hiền tài là nguyên khí của quốc gia.
Nguyên khí thịnh thì thế nước mạnh.
Nguyên khí suy thì nước yếu

Talent is the life source of a nation.
A gushing source is the strength of a country.
A drying source weakens it.

The first National University of Vietnam, Quốc Tử Giám, celebrated its 940th anniversary in 2016. It can boast of having preceded by a good century the ancient and prestigious Western universities of Bologna, Oxford, and Paris. Built six years after the Văn Miếu, the Temple of Literature dedicated to Confucius, within the same enclosure, it is among the monuments of the capital that have survived ten centuries of turmoil, civil wars, and foreign invasions. It is contemporary with the Trấn Quốc, Một Cột, and Kim Lien pagodas. The imposing and well-preserved architectural complex in the heart of Hanoi contains very old parts that bear the color of time and the values of a past as rich as it is little known.

Consolidation of the Vietnamese nation

It was in 1076 that the College of the Sons of the Nation, Quốc Tử Giám, was created by King Lý Nhân Tông, of the great Later Lý dynasty. Since the reconquest of independence in 939, the task facing the Vietnamese sovereigns was immense and arduous. The previous dynasties of Ngô, Ðinh, and Earlier Lê had exhausted themselves in internal divisions and wars of conquest at the beginning of the victorious march southward. At the beginning of the 11th century, Vietnam, then renamed Đại Việt, was a nation of original ancient culture in a young state.

Inside still poorly established borders in the South, it remained necessary to strengthen national unity and to overcome the rivalries of great families that threatened to tear the country apart. Outside, it was necessary to maintain good vassal relations with the powerful Chinese neighbor. The Lý showed themselves capable of meeting these challenges. The construction of dikes to address the flooding of the Red River allowed the population to settle and favored the growth of agriculture.

The buying and selling of land were regulated, which led to the emergence of a class of small landowners alongside the great feudal lords. Crafts developed (weaving, goldsmithing, pottery, porcelain), and consequently, trade. On the advice of competent Confucian administrators, the Lý managed to establish a strong centralized government and were able to give legitimacy to the ruling elite. Inspired by the Chinese administrative model, King Lý Nhân Tông organized in 1075 the first examination to recruit mandarins who would exercise power. The following year, he added to the Văn Miếu a higher school to train senior officials, the Quốc Tử Giám. The educational institution, in this tolerant country, existed peacefully right next to the place of worship. Combining a temple dedicated to Confucius and a place of learning into a single complex, this construction is a unique work that highlights the originality of Vietnam compared to China.

Rise of a National Culture

During almost ten centuries of Chinese colonization, the Vietnamese had preserved their cultural originality and assimilated a large part of Chinese culture. The College of the Sons of the Nation therefore spread Confucian humanities: Confucian classics, philosophy, literature, history, and politics. Brilliant candidates memorized the Four Books of Confucianism, but also the history of Vietnam and China. They also studied the rules of poetic composition, learning to prepare all sorts of documents: royal edicts, speeches, mission reports, analyses, essays. The language in use was certainly Chinese or hán; however, the Vietnamese very early on, probably from the 12th century, used a special iconographic script, nôm, to transcribe the popular national language, kinh.

Under Chinese rule, the Vietnamese had learned just what was necessary to become good servants. Until the tenth century, there is no trace of Vietnamese literature. Only legends may have crystallized the collective memory, prevented from freely expressing itself under the pressure of the occupier. The nôm script, derived from Chinese ideographic writing, represented a national and popular reaction to foreign cultural domination. « The soul of a people lives in its language, » said Goethe.

This is an obvious fact in Vietnam. The language transcribed in nôm experienced vigorous growth whenever the national and popular movement gained momentum. After the great Nguyễn Trãi in the 14th century wrote his poems in nôm, the demotic script gained its nobility and no scholar disdained writing in nôm. Another great Vietnamese figure, Nguyễn Huệ, carried out a true revolution by imposing nôm as the official language in administration and mandarin examinations during his reign at the end of the 18th century.

The royal examinations gave a decisive boost to education throughout the country. The National University became for a long time the keystone of the educational system. Schools were established to prepare candidates for the mandarin examinations.

Alongside the large feudal estates existed a well-organized system of rural communes. In many of them, there was a private school alongside public schools, both at the national, provincial, and local levels. The teachers were educated men who had failed the exams, or holders of a baccalaureate, a license, and doctoral laureates who did not want to become mandarins or who were disillusioned with politics. The prestige of knowledge, the respect for teachers and talent had spread over the centuries even into the poorest peasantry.

Which mother did not dream of seeing her sons one day take the difficult exams? The popular saying was deeply ingrained in people’s minds: « Without a teacher, I challenge you to achieve anything. » Literature and public service were not separate in the traditional Vietnamese educational system. Poets contributed to the economic life of their country. Among the most brilliant statesmen and strategists, many were poets. The most famous among them, revered as heroes by the entire population, were:

Trần Hưng Đạo (1213-1300), who triumphed over the Mongols by defeating Kublai Khan
Nguyễn Trãi (1380–1442), a great poet and statesman who ended a new Chinese occupation by the Ming.
Nguyễn Du, a diplomat under the Lê dynasty, who with his verse novel, the Kiều, brought the nôm script to perfection. The latter two are listed by UNESCO in the Pantheon of the Men of Culture of Humanity.
The obstacle-filled journey of a candidate for the royal exams.

Initially, the national exams were held irregularly, depending on the needs of the imperial administration. From 1434 until 1919, the date of the last session, they took place every three years.

When King Lê Thần Tông redefined the rules in the 14th century, the examination took place in two successive levels: regional, then national, each in four phases that could last several months in total. It was necessary to successfully pass each stage in order to qualify for the next. The final test was held at the imperial palace before the king, who personally examined the last group of future doctors.

Some figures provide an eloquent overview of the demands and importance of the royal competitions:

On average, 70,000 to 80,000 candidates competed in the regional competitions.

Between 450 and 6,000 candidates were selected from these to take part in the national exam in Hanoi. They settled for the duration of the tests on the university campus in the city center with their bamboo beds, brushes, and inkwells. In 1777, the National University and the Doctoral Quarter had become an impressive institution comprising 300 classrooms, a huge library, and a publishing house. This vast complex was destroyed by war in 1946. At the end of the final exam at the imperial palace, only 15 candidates were awarded the title of Doctor (tiến sĩ), with an average age of 32. Between 1076 and 1779, the date of the last session held in Thăng Long (Hanoi), 2,313 candidates received the title of Doctor.

1306 of them have their names and ranks engraved in Chinese characters on the 82 steles (41 on each side) in the third space of the Văn Miếu Quốc Tự Giám in Hanoi. These 82 steles preserve the memory of the laureates admitted between 1442 and 1779. It was King Lê Thánh Tông who took the initiative to pay tribute in this way to the great servants of the country. 116 national exams took place during this period, which means that 34 steles are missing, and the reasons why they were not erected or have disappeared are unknown. From 1802, with the reign of Gia Long, the triennial exams were held in Hué until their abolition in 1919. The Quốc Tự Giám became once again the Văn Miếu, Temple of Literature, but was preserved. The tradition of inscribing the Doctors of the Nation on the honor roll was also maintained.

In the Forbidden City of Hué, on the first floor of the Ngọ Môn Gate, their names are clearly mentioned on a large black marble tablet, along with their village and province of origin. The competency exams were coupled with a formidable physical challenge for those from the provinces. The journey to the capital was fraught with dangers. Coming from a distant province, the future graduates sometimes had to travel up to 300 km or more, bringing with them food, a tent, a narrow bamboo bed, and writing materials.

Along the way, they had to fear both highway bandits and attacks from tigers and snake bites. If they managed to overcome all these obstacles, most of them preferred to stay a few years on site to study, in order to ensure the best chances of success.

Popular imagery often depicted the triumphant return of doctors to their native village, announced by a procession of banners and pennants, palanquins, ceremonial objects, preceded by family and friends. Throughout the journey, drums sounded marking the arrival of the child of the country who brought back, along with the doctoral certificate issued by the king, glory to the entire village. The village was henceforth distinguished as « a land of literature (đất văn chương). »

Then the laureate did not fail to bow before the altar of the ancestors and Confucius, before inviting everyone to a sometimes ruinous banquet. During the second millennium B.C. of Vietnam’s history, the intellectual elite emerging from national competitions produced, alongside brilliant strategists, mathematicians, statesmen, philosophers, men of letters, its share of simple bureaucrats and corrupt mandarins. According to Confucian tradition, no woman had access to official education.

The patients were so numerous that Phú Doãn Hospital (the current German-Vietnamese hospital) was soon overwhelmed. It was set up within the grounds of the Văn Miếu Quốc Tử Giám, whose ramparts served as a barrier against contagion. The disease was brought under control thanks to a vaccine developed by Doctor Yersin and the dedication of the doctors. But the Temple was in such a state that the French authorities decided to transform it into a hospital. They began searching for a new location to build the new building.

Aware that he was attacking the Holy See of Vietnamese culture, the representative of the Governor-General of Indochina, Pasquier, first consulted a prominent scholar, and the latter’s conclusion was unequivocal: « Adverse circumstances have soiled the steles and make the people’s hearts bleed. The Nguyễn, by transferring the capital to Huế, respected the integrity of the Temple. If you want to move it, the population will revolt. » A few days later, the French Government allocated a sum of 20,000 piastres to restore the Temple to its original state.
At other times in its troubled history, the population of Hanoi had shown its attachment to this monument, a symbol of its intellectual curiosity, passion for study, and creativity, notably during the fratricidal wars between the Trịnh and the Nguyễn. Nevertheless, in its current state, the Temple of Literature occupies a smaller space than at its peak.

Toàn cảnh nội văn từ
Thử địa vi thủ, thiên thu cần tạo thương lưu phương

Overview of the literary content
Trying the geographical hand, a thousand years need to create a lasting fragrance

Of all the temples dedicated to literature, this one is the high place;
the scent of culture lingers there beyond millennia.

The Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu)

Chu Văn An

Ông tổ của các nhà nho nước Việt

Erection of the laureates’ steles

[RETURN]

Temple Đô  (Lý Bát Đế)(English version)

Temple  Đô  (Lý Bát Đế)

Vietnamese version

Version française

This Đô Temple was built in the year 1030 during the return of King Lý Thái Tông to celebrate the anniversary of the death of his father Lý Công Uẩn (Lý Thái Tổ). However, this building was completely destroyed during the colonial period. That is why in 1989 the Vietnamese government decided to restore it based on the still preserved historical documents. In front of its entrance gate is a water pavilion erected on a large pond in the shape of a half-moon, which once connected to the Tiêu Tương River that no longer exists today. This historic architectural complex is dedicated to the worship of the 8 kings of the Lý dynasty, which the famous historian Ngô Sĩ Liên described as a dynasty of clemency in the collection entitled « The Complete Historical Records of Đại Việt » (Ðại Việt Sử Ký toàn thư) (1697).

According to the popular saying, in the work « Florilegium of the Thiền Garden (Thiền Uyển Tập Anh) » there is a kệ (or gâtha) alluding to the 8 kings of the Lý dynasty, which is attributed either to the disciple of the patriarch monk Khuôn Việt, Đa Bảo, or to the monk Vạn Hạnh as follows:

The word Bát with the Lý family

Một bát nước công đức
Tùy duyên hóa thế gian
Sáng choang còn soi đuốc
Bóng mất trời lên cao.

A bowl of meritorious water
Flows with causality to transform the world
Brightly shining continues to light the torch
When the shadow disappears, the sun rises behind the mountains.

By implication, this Kệ (or stance) intends to evoke the 8 kings of the Lý dynasty, from the founder Lý Công Uẩn to the last king Lý Huệ Tông, through the word bát which means both bowl and eight in Vietnamese. As for Huệ Tông, his given name is Sảm. Being the combination of two words nhật (sun) andsơn (mountain) in Chinese Han characters, the word Sảm indeed means « the sun hides behind the mountains, » signifying the end or disappearance. This kê proves to be prophetic because Princess Lý Chiêu Hoàng (daughter of King Lý Huệ Tông) ceded the throne to her husband Trần Cảnh, who was none other than King Trần Thái Tông of the Trần dynasty. It can be said that the Lý dynasty had the kingdom by the will of God, but it was also by this will that they lost it.

Lý Bát Đế

                                       

[RETURN]

Angkorian empire (Chenla)

Đế Chế Angkor 

Version française
Version vietnamienne
Galerie des photos

At a time when the kingdom of Funan was weakening, a vassal principality of this kingdom, which Chinese historians often referred to as Chenla (Chân Lạp) in their annals, attempted to forge its destiny in the middle Mekong basin near the archaeological site of Vat Phu in the Champassak province (present-day Laos). This is the only name we have to this day. No Sanskrit or Khmer word corresponds to the ancient sound Tsien lap. The existence of this kingdom dates back to the end of the 6th century. Similar to the kings of Funan, those of Chenla also have a dynastic legend: a solar-origin Brahmin priest named Kambu Svayambhuva received from the god Shiva himself a nymph of lunar origin in marriage, the beautiful Mera.

From this union of K(ambu) and Merâ, a line of sovereigns was born, that is, the descendants of Kambujadesha, meaning « land of the descendants of Kambu, » intended to explain the name of the Khmers. This word Kambujadesha, abbreviated as Kambuja, was first discovered in 817 in an inscription of Po Nagar in Champa (or present-day Nha Trang, Vietnam).

During the French colonial period, this name Kambuja was Francized as « Cambodge. » As for the word Chenla, it appeared in the history of the Sui (589-619), where the sending of an embassy from this country was mentioned in 616-617. Located southwest of Lin Yi (future Champa) and a vassal state of Funan, the kingdom of Chenla (Chân Lạp) (future Cambodia), having become powerful, did not hesitate to seize the latter and subjugate it. This fact was reported not only in the New History of the Tang (618-907) by the Chinese historian Ouyang Xiu but also in an unpublished inscription from Sambor-Prei Kuk, which praised the king of Chenla, Içanavarman I, son of King Mahendravarman, for having expanded his parents’ territory with his grand exploits. This monarch established his capital at Sambor-Prei Kuk, renamed Ishanapura.

The fragmentation of Chenla into small states was witnessed again. It was only in 654 that Jayavarman I, a great-grandson of Içanavarman I, succeeded in reunifying his ancestor’s country and established his capital near Angkor. Upon his death, Chenla again broke up into numerous principalities, and soon the principality of Shambupura (today Sambor on the Mekong) managed to impose its authority. Its king, Jayavarman II, settled in Rolûos and proclaimed himself king of the entire Kambuja in 802. Then the settlement and religious sites of the Óc Eo plain began to be abandoned as the center of gravity of the new political formation from the North moved away from the coast to gradually approach the site of the future capital of the Khmer empire, Angkor.

According to researcher J. Népote, the Khmers coming from the North through Laos appear like Germanic tribes in relation to the Roman Empire, attempting to establish a unified kingdom inland known as Chenla. They saw no interest in maintaining the technique of floating rice cultivation because they lived far from the coast. They tried to combine their own mastery of water retention with the contributions of Indian hydraulic science (the baray) to develop, through multiple trials, an irrigation system better adapted to the ecology of the hinterland and to the local varieties of irrigated rice.

It is reported that in Chinese annals, Chenla was divided into a « Land Chenla » and a « Water Chenla » at the beginning of the 8th century. The former was established in the old territories of Chenla, expanded according to its military successes, from the Dangrek range to the middle Mekong valley and westward to Burinam, now part of the Thai province of Korat, while the latter corresponded to a multitude of fiefs of former Funan and was subject to the royal authority of the island of Java (Indonesia). Then, through a stele of Sdok Kak Thom dating from 1052 and found 25 km from Sisophon, we learn that Jayavarman II was crowned king in 802 after freeing his country from the tutelage of Java, and his country regained its unity under the name Chenla.

The latter soon gave way to the birth of the Angkorian empire at the beginning of the 9th century. It first experienced its peak and glory with King Suryavarman II, whom historians have often compared to the Sun King Louis XIV of France. Of a warlike temperament, he did not hesitate to first ally with the Chams to attack the kingdom of Đại Việt under the reign of King Lý Thần Tôn in 1128, but he was repelled in the Nghệ An region. He then tried to maintain his grip on Champa by placing his brother-in-law Harideva as ruler over the capital Vijaya (present-day Bình Định in Vietnam).

But this attempt ended in a crushing failure against one of the greatest Cham kings, Jaya Harivarman I, who recaptured Vijaya in 1149. Yet Chinese chroniclers spoke of him with great deference. Beyond the frenzy of his territorial conquests, Suryavarman II had a large number of splendid monuments built, among which was the famous site of Angkor Wat. According to the Italian researcher Maria Albanese from the I.I.A.O institute, it seems possible that Suryavarman II died following a disastrous military expedition into Vietnamese territory in 1150.

Then the empire of the Khmer kings expanded under Jayavarman VII, one of the fascinating personalities in universal history. During his reign, he managed to push back the limits of his empire by annexing Champa, Lower Burma, Thailand, and Laos. Georges Coedès, former director of the French School of the Far East (EFEO), painted for us a striking portrait of this great king, that of a pharaoh who can boast of having moved so much stone (Angkor Thom, Ta-Prohm, Bantay-Kdei, etc.).
Map of the empire

carte_empire_khmer

But after his death, due to the gigantic enterprises and incessant wars against his neighbors (Chams, Vietnamese, and Thais), the Angkorian empire began to experience a rapid decline caused by the multiple capture and sacking of its capital Angkor by the Thais (1353, 1393, and 1431). They were unified by Ramadhipathi to found the kingdom of Ayutthaya.

Faced with the assaults of the Thais, the Khmers had to abandon their capital Angkor and retreat to the geographic heart of their country, the Four Arms of the Mekong (Phnom Penh), with the last king of the Khmer empire and the first king of Cambodia, Ponhea Yat. This strategic and economic retreat is only one of the hypotheses suggested by researchers to hasten the decline of Angkor. But according to recent discoveries reported by National Geographic in its issue 118 of July 2009, the collapse of Angkor is largely due to climatic disasters that managed to destroy the most complex and ingenious hydraulic system, a jewel of Khmer civilization. The imperial city of Angkor had to face severe successive droughts from 1362 to 1392 and from 1415 to 1440, thanks to the analysis of growth rings found in certain long-lived cypresses such as teak or Siam wood.

When the hydraulic system began to malfunction, showing signs of weakness, the power of the Angkorian empire did the same. This is why, being the first to realize the importance of this system, the archaeologist Bernard Philippe Groslier of the French School of the Far East (EFEO) did not hesitate to describe Angkor as a « hydraulic city » when publishing his work in 1979. Designed to support religious rituals and ensure a constant water supply for rice cultivation, the gigantic barays (or water reservoirs) were drained in the event of successive major droughts. This could have dealt a fatal blow to this already faltering empire, weakened by internal divisions and successive Thai invasions, as Angkor was home to no less than 750,000 inhabitants over an area of about 1000 km². This brings to mind the period experienced by the Maya cities of Mexico and Central America, which succumbed to overpopulation and environmental degradation linked to three successive droughts in the 9th century. This disaster also brutally reminds us of the limits of human ingenuity, which can be easily overcome at any time by the forces of nature. Man cannot conquer nature under any circumstances but must become one with nature to live in harmony with it.

Bibliographie.

Thierry Zéphir: L’empire des rois khmers;  Découvertes Gallimard. 1997
Claude Jacques, Michael Freeman : Angkor, cité khmère. Book Guides
Bernard Philippe Groslier: Indochine. Editions Albin Michel 1961
National Geographic: Angkor . Pourquoi la grande cité médiévale du monde s’est effondrée? N° 118.  Juillet 2009
Maria Albanese: Angkor. gloire et splendeur de l’empire khmer. Editions White Star 
Georges Coedès: Cổ sử các quốc gia Ấn Độ Hóa ở Viễn Đông.  Editions Thế Giới. 2011
Chu Đạt Quan: Chân Lạp phong thổ ký. Editions Thế Giới . 2011

 

Mausolée Tu Duc (Version vietnamienne)

 

Khiêm Lăng (謙陵)

Version française

English version

Không giống như các lăng mộ hoàng gia khác của triều Nguyễn, lăng mộ của vua Tự Đức chủ yếu là nơi ẩn náu trong thời gian trị vì của ngài. Đây là lý do tại sao nó không chỉ chứa một cung điện sau này được chuyển đổi thành nơi thờ cúng sau khi ngài qua đời, mà còn có một nhà hát và hai gian nhỏ bằng gỗ đỏ xinh xắn (Du Khiêm Xung Khiêm) nơi ngài thích ngồi để thư giãn và sáng tác thơ. Lăng mộ này, được xây dựng từ năm 1864 đến năm 1867 bởi ba nghìn binh lính và công nhân, có khoảng năm mươi tòa nhà được bao quanh bởi một bức tường đá và gạch dài 1.500 mét bao phủ diện tích 12 ha. Tự Đức lên ngôi vua vào thời điểm ông phải đối mặt không chỉ với sự phát triển của chủ nghĩa tư bản phương Tây mà còn cả tình trạng bất ổn nội bộ (Chiến tranh châu chấu do nhà thơ Cao Bá Quát lãnh đạo, việc anh trai ông là Hồng Bàng bị lật đổ vào thời điểm ông lên ngôi, vân vân). Để có thể nương tựa, ngài không ngần ngại ra lệnh xây dựng lăng mộ làm nơi nghỉ ngơi trong suốt cuộc đời và là nơi ở cho cuộc sống vĩnh hằng sau này của ngài.

Galerie des photos du mausolée Tự Đức

Trong lăng mộ này, đình Hoa Khiêm là công trình chính nơi vua làm việc, đình Lương Khiêm là nơi vua ở và ngủ. Hai ngôi mộ khác cũng nằm trong khuôn viên lăng mộ. Đó là mộ của hoàng hậu Lê Thiện Anh, vợ vua, và một trong ba người con nuôi của vua, vua Kiến Phúc.

Kiến trúc của lăng mộ này không chỉ phản ánh bản chất lãng mạn của nhà thơ-hoàng đế Tư Đức mà còn phản ánh sự tự do vốn còn  thấy thiếu trong các lăng mộ khác cho đến ngày nay. Không có gì ngạc nhiên khi lăng mộ này đã trở thành điểm đến yêu thích của hầu hết du khách nước ngoài và Việt Nam.

lang_tu_duc

 

 
 

Imperial Citadel of Thang Long (Hanoï)

 

thang_long

Vietnamese version
Version française
Pictures gallery

Due to historical events, the imperial city of Thăng Long seems to fade over time in the collective memory of the Vietnamese, with its remnants hidden within the land of the ancient city of Hanoi. Vietnamese archaeologists had difficulty locating its site despite a series of archaeological excavations initiated at Quần Ngựa and in the geographical area of the Hồ Chí Minh mausoleum, etc., since 1970. It was only in 1998 that they succeeded in locating, in the geographical areas near Hậu Lâu adjacent to Hoàng Diệu street and Bắc Môn (the North Gate from the Nguyễn period), bases of stone pillars and columns with lotus motifs as well as other manufactured objects from the later Lê period. In 2000, they were allowed to carry out another excavation inside Ðoan Môn (the only gate of the forbidden city), which led to the discovery of the royal road (ngự đạo) from the Trần period. With other archaeological excavations undertaken from December 2002 until 2004 near No. 18 Hoàng Diệu street, other remnants dating back to the pre-Thăng Long era (before the 11th century) were found.

Thanks to the picks of Vietnamese archaeologists, the imperial city of Thăng Long is beginning to reveal its secrets and politics, administration, and culture over nearly thirteen centuries (under the successive dynasties of Lý, Trần, and later Lê). The architectural ruins (foundations, pillar bases, sections of royal brick roads, water drainage systems, wells, etc.) exposed in the imperial city of Thăng Long undoubtedly testify to the architectural complexity of the palaces of that era, whose existence has been confirmed by the discovery and presence of several types of high-quality ceramics with aesthetically sophisticated motifs, including ceramics from the Lê period bearing Chinese characters meaning Quan (official) or Kính (respectful) and motifs of five-clawed dragons and phoenixes.
Imperial city map

map_thang_long

These ceramics were reserved exclusively for kings and queens. Thanks to the archaeological excavation, the following conclusion was reached: the architectural remains from the Lý-Trần-Lê periods found had been stacked on the layer from the Chinese Zong Pinh-Đai La period (Tống Bình-Đai La) (7th-9th century).

This observation does not call into question the importance given until now to the Royal Edict (Chiếu dời đô) that the founder Lý Công Uẩn of the Lý dynasty, later known as Lý Thái Tổ, promulgated in the spring of 1010 (Canh Tuất) regarding the transfer of the capital. After eliminating the Vietnamese king Lê Long Ðĩnh of the earlier Lê dynasty (Tiền Lê), Lý Thái Tổ realized that after a few years of reign, Hoa Lư, the capital of Vietnam built in a mountainous region, was too difficult to access. It was impossible to ensure prosperity there and to secure the destiny of Vietnam (tính kế cho con cháu muôn vạn đời). The capital had to be transferred to Ðại La, the former capital of the proconsul of the Chinese Tang dynasty, Kao Pien (Cao Biền), during the period of Chinese domination.

Hoàng thành Thăng Long

This city could protect the population from floods and inundations with its fairly high and well-exposed terrain, but it was also a location corresponding to the favorable orientation of mountains and rivers and to the position of the coiled dragon and the sitting tiger. To avoid awakening popular unrest, he did not hesitate to resort to the credulity of his people, as would later be done by the advisor to the hero Lê Lợi, Nguyễn Trãi, in the liberation struggle against the Ming. He spread a rumor that he had seen a golden dragon emerge from Ðại La and fly into the sky in his dream.

That is why Đại La was called Thăng Long (The Rising Dragon). Like other kings, he could have imposed his will on his people by decree, but he preferred to submit to the will of Heaven and the aspirations of the people, deliberately using their superstition to accomplish a great work for an independent Vietnam. His reign was known as « Thuận Thiên » (Following the Will of Heaven).

 

Orphaned, raised in a pagoda, and educated from a young age by the learned monk Vạn Hạnh, growing up in his shadow, he soon became a great king of Vietnam because he was imbued with Buddhist thought during his reign. In him, one finds not only wisdom, dialogue, insight, and tolerance but also the undeniable will to contribute to the strengthening of the Vietnamese nation (a highly centralized administrative system, a fairly flexible tax regime, Buddhism accepted as the state religion, priority given to education, etc.). It was under him that Vietnam was recognized for the first time as the kingdom of Annam. The authors of the work « The Complete Historical Records of Đại Việt » (Ðại Việt Sử Ký toàn thư) continually praised the years of Lý Công Uẩn’s reign. His dynasty was later described by the Vietnamese historian Ngô Thì Sĩ as a dynasty of clemency (Triều Lý nhân Ái).
leaves

Decorative sheet attached to the tile

Thanks to Việt Sử lược (The Brief History of the Vietnamese State in the 14th Century), we know that in the plan of the imperial city of Thăng Long built in 1010 by King Lý Thái Tổ, there was in the middle of this city the Càn Nguyên palace, later called Thiên An and finally renamed Kinh Thiên (Audience Hall) by King Lê Thái Tổ. Around this palace, to the east, there was the Tập Hiền palace and the Phi Long gate; to the west, the Giảng Vũ palace and the Ðan Phượng gate; to the south, the Cao Ðiện palace and the Long Trì veranda with its corridors on both sides; and to the north, the Long An and Long Thụy palaces, not forgetting to mention to the west and east of these the Nhật Quang and Nguyệt Minh palaces. Additionally, there were the Hưng Thiên pagoda and the Sao Ngũ Phượng tower. In 1011, the Thái Thanh palace, the Vạn Tuế pagoda, and the Trần Phúc Buddhist library were constructed. (Việt Sử lược, translated and annotated by Trần Quốc Vượng pp 70-71).

Based on the plan of the imperial city from the Lê period, Vietnamese archaeologists have delineated this city as follows: the north around Phan Ðình Phùng street, the south located at Trần Phú street, the west beyond Ông Ích Khiêm street, and the east around Thuốc Bắc street. The area of this site is estimated to be about 140 hectares during the Lê period. However, it would be slightly smaller under the Lý and Trần dynasties. On the other hand, the Hanoi citadel does not exceed 100 hectares under the Nguyễn dynasty.

During archaeological excavations, several architectural materials decorated with extremely varied themes are found. The decorative motifs include lotuses, chrysanthemums, or heads of mythical animals with rough and fierce features during the Đại La period (7th – 9th century). Then, under the period of the Đinh and Early Lê dynasties (Tiền Lê), there are lotuses and pairs of mandarin ducks, and finally, under the Lý dynasty, through dragons, phoenixes, leaves, and flowers, the art of decoration reaches the peak of beauty and perfection. Despite maintaining the basic elements of decoration from the Lý dynasty, this art tends to regain its simplicity and solidity under the Trần dynasty. As for the Later Lê period, there is a significant change in the simplicity of tile and brick decoration, along with a batch of new themes added compared to the periods of the Lý and Trần dynasties.

The remains and manufactured objects found in the imperial city of Thăng Long undeniably bear witness to a national culture and local originality because, besides the dragon of the Lý dynasty with its well-decorated crest not found in Chinese dragon motifs, one can discover the roofs of buildings from the Lý-Trần period covered with tiles adorned either with decorative leaves or with figurines of dragons or phoenixes that are not commonly seen in the royal palaces of neighboring countries. It can be said without hesitation that this site is part of a cultural heritage of invaluable worth for Vietnam, particularly for the city of Hanoi.

Listed as a World Cultural Heritage site, the imperial city of Thăng Long has become today a must-visit site when one has the opportunity to visit the capital, Hanoi.

 

Photos gallery of imperial city  Thăng Long

 

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Bibliographic references:

Hoàng Thành Thăng Long.
Thăng Long imperial citadel.
Nhà Xuất Bản Thông Tin
Hànội 2006
The Culturel Information Publishing House
 

The Nùng (English version)

The Nùng

Vietnamese version

French version

The Nùng are part of the Tày-Thái group of the Austro-Asiatic ethnolinguistic family. According to foreign ethnologists, they are related to the Tày of Vietnam and the Zhuang or Choang (dân tộc Tráng) of China. Although the Tày and the Nùng speak their respective languages, they manage to understand each other perfectly. Their languages differ slightly in phonetics but are similar in vocabulary use and grammar. The Tày were present at the end of the first millennium BC.

This is not the case for the Nùng. Their settlement in Vietnam dates back to only about 300 years ago. However, their presence in southern China (Kouang Si (Quảng Tây), Kouang Tong (Quảng Ðông), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Guizhou (Qúi Châu), and Hunan (Hồ Nam)) is not very recent. They were also one of the ethnic groups of the Austro-Asiatic Bai Yue or Hundred Yue (Bách Việt) group. Also known under the name Tây Âu (Si Ngeou or Âu Việt) at a certain time, they played a major role in the founding of the second kingdom of Vietnam, the Âu Lạc kingdom of An Dương Vương, but they also engaged in relentless struggle against the Chinese expansion led by Emperor Qin Shi Huang Di (Tần Thủy Hoàng) with the Luo Yue (the Proto-Vietnamese). They also participated in the uprising of the two Vietnamese heroines Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị in the reconquest of independence under the Han dynasty.

They continue to preserve to this day many memories and legends about these two heroines in Kouang Si.

At a certain distant time, the Nùng were considered a branch of the Luo Yue living in the mountains before being definitively given the name « Choang » because they are closer to the Tày and the Thais than to the Vietnamese in terms of social organization and language. By calling themselves Cần Slửa Ðăm (people with black clothes) (người mặc áo đen), they claim to be different from the Tày, who are known as Cần Slửa Khao (people with white clothes) (người mặc áo trắng). Despite their clothes being the same indigo color, both peoples do not dress in the same way. This observation was noted by the Vietnamese writer Hữu Ngọc Hoàng Nam, author of the first monographic essay on the Nùng in Vietnam, who highlighted an important remark about the meaning of the words Đăm and Khao. For him, these allow the identification and distinction of subgroup membership within the Tày-Thai linguistic group through differences in clothing colors, dialects, and customs. Those belonging to Đăm (black or Đen in Vietnamese) include the Nùng, Black Thái, Thái, Black Hmongs, Black Lolo, etc., and those belonging to Khao (white or trắng in Vietnamese) include the Tày, White Thái, Lao (or Dao), White Lolo, White Hmongs, etc.

This remark does not convince the Vietnamese linguist Hoàng Mai, who comes from the Tày people, because for the latter, the Tày, despite belonging to the « Khao or White » group, always wear black clothes. Moreover, the word Slửa is not simply a word designating everyday clothing but is somewhat Áo hồn (Slửa Khoăn) because among the Thais, the Tày, and the Nùng, a garment symbolically represents the living soul of each individual. This was reported by the Vietnamese ethnologist Cầm Trọng in his article entitled « The Participation of Thai Culture in the Formation and Evolution of Vietnamese Culture » (International Conference on Thai Studies (1984/08/22-24; Bangkok).

Relying on this strong argument, he was led to conclude that the word pair Đăm – Khao (Black-White) should rather belong to the domain of spiritual culture because it is used to trace back the origin of subgroups within the Tày-Thái ethnic group, just as among the Vietnamese it is customary to evoke the word pair Rồng-Nước represented respectively by Lạc Long Quân and Âu Cơ to trace their origin.

The Nùng are divided into several subgroups known under different names: Nùng Inh, Nùng, Dính, Nùng An, Nùng Phàn Sinh, Nùng Cháo, etc. These names originate from the migration of the Nùng coming from the provinces of Kouang Si and Kouang Tong in China. In Vietnam, the Nùng are located in mountainous regions, deep forests, or valleys with altitudes not exceeding 300 meters above sea level. They often live mixed with the Tày in the provinces of the Upper Region. But their concentration is higher in Lạng Sơn (43% of the province’s population) and in Cao Bằng (32%). Most Nùng live in stilt houses, but there is still a small minority who prefer to live in houses at ground level with rammed earth or unfired brick walls.

Before building the house, the owner must carefully examine the horoscope of their age to find a favorable year for construction. Sometimes it is necessary to wait at least 2 or 3 years to find it. Their presence is essential at the time of clearing the construction site, establishing the foundation and columns, and setting up the roof.

The orientation of the house is one of the important criteria that the owner cannot neglect because it could be responsible for all misfortunes for him and his family. It is customary to say in the Nùng language: đảy kim dòm mò mả, thong thả dòm tì lườn. (Success in business comes from ancestral tombs. We are safe thanks to the land and the orientation of the house).

Demographically, they are ranked 7th among the 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam. In their history, the Nùng also have the legend of Báo luông Slao Cải. It is the story of the benevolent giant who cleared the land and taught them how to grow rice, corn, cotton, and everything they needed. The Nùng are accustomed to wearing fairly simple clothing, without embroidery or patterns. These are made from coarse indigo-colored fabrics. This color harmonizes with nature in the green environment of the forest. Their clothing can vary from light to dark shades of indigo. This variation depends on the preference of each Nùng group. Indigo remains the symbol of loyalty, as told by a Nùng legend:

There was a poor orphan living in a hut at the edge of the forest. One fine morning, a young beggar appeared at her door and asked for food. Being so poor, she could not offer him any. She had to go to the market to sell her beautiful hair and bought food for him. From that day, they became husband and wife. Because of the war, he was forcibly enlisted and never returned. Tired of not receiving any news, she set out to look for him and died along the way. She transformed into an indigo plant whose leaves provide indigo, a color that is everlasting and synonymous with loyalty through the ages.

In the traditional costume of Nùng women, there is the turban scarf, the jacket, and the pants. Generally speaking, regardless of the Nùng group, there is always a square turban, a five-panel jacket buttoned under the right armpit and extending down below the hip, and loose pants called chân què (*) whose upper edges are folded over with a turned belt. Depending on the Nùng group, there are slight modifications to the jacket. This is the case for the Nùng In and Phàn Slình groups, whose women wear jackets with sleeves and button bands decorated with black pieces. However, for the Phàn Slình Cúm Cọt group, the jackets are shorter than those of the other groups and are accompanied by red fringes around the neck. Only the details differentiate these groups. On the other hand, Tày women wear long dresses reaching the calf with fairly tight sleeves. Regarding the pants, most Nùng women wear classic loose chân què pants, except those from the Nùng Dính group who are accustomed to wearing skirts with belts adorned with 12 colored pieces symbolizing the twelve months of the year.

Their jewelry is made of silver because, in their ancestral traditions, it protects them against harmful winds that affect their health. Besides the aesthetic beauty that this metal can provide, it is always considered a thermometer in assessing seasonal epidemics. Nùng women and men are accustomed to wearing necklaces, bracelets, and rings. Additionally, Nùng women’s adornments include earrings and chains around their waists.

As for Nùng men, their trousers are of the same style as those of their women. Their jacket, with a stand-up collar about 2 cm high, is open at the front and adorned with 7 fabric buttons and 4 pockets. The Nùng have several Tết celebrations throughout the year, but the lunar Tết remains their major festival. This is celebrated with great pomp and marked by the presence of a large number of delicious dishes in each family to bid farewell to the old year.

The Nùng customarily eat a duck because it helps to get rid of the bad luck they had during the old year and brings them good fortune with the new year. On the eve of the new lunar Tết, the Nùng woman must fetch water from the well with a bucket. Then she boils it to make good tea before offering it to the ancestors. As for the Nùng husband, he must visit the temple to make offerings. There are many prohibitions that must be respected during the first days of the lunar new year:

Cúng hỉ phát sò (Wishing happiness and prosperity)
I send you my best wishes for happiness and prosperity

Bươn chiêng pi mấu (The first month of the new year)
for the month of February of the new year

Hét lăng tú lì (Anything is allowed)
You will be permitted to accomplish your achievements

Chi lăng tú đẩy a (May all wishes come true)
and to realize all your wishes

Nùng women are not allowed to wash clothes on New Year’s Eve. Chickens cannot be killed. Oxen and buffaloes must not be mistreated. Bowls must not be broken and cleaning should not be done.

On the second day, chickens may be slaughtered to offer to the ancestors and spirits. Visits to relatives, especially to the maternal family (Bên ngoại), are permitted. Children will receive money that adults customarily give them in small envelopes known as « bao lì xì.« 

From the third day, in each village, the Nùng organize a popular festival called « Hội Lùng Tùng » (descent to the fields), often held on the land in front of their communal house. The participation of each family is visible with an offering tray. The presence of a shaman is essential because he is supposed to perform the rites to gain the favor of Heaven for agricultural activities and better harvests and to protect people from diseases. Besides the ritual ceremony, there are also folk games: lion dances, cloth ball throwing (chơi ném còn), tug of war (kéo co), spinning top launching, shuttlecock kicking, etc. It is also an occasion for girls and boys to get to know each other by forming groups for alternating songs, and slì exchanges between two young girls and two young boys.
Lion dance
Similar to other ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia, the Nùng are animists. They believe that there is a soul that animates not only living beings but also plants, stones, etc. That is why their worship includes a large number of spirits: forest spirit, earth spirit, mountain spirit, river and stream spirits, tutelary spirit, childhood spirit (Mụ Mẹ Hoa), etc.

Similar to other ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia, the Nùng are animists. They believe that there is a soul that animates not only living beings but also plants, stones etc. That is why in their worship we see a large number of spirits: spirit of the forest, spirit of the soil, spirit of the mountains, spirit of the rivers and streams, tutelary spirit, spirit of childhood (Mụ Mẹ Hoa), etc.

But the most important worship remains the ancestor worship. Each Nùng household has an altar always placed in a left compartment. This is a sacred place. At the center of this altar is a wall ancestral tablet (or a bài vị) bearing parallel sentences and Chinese characters recording the lineage of the ancestors. Generally speaking, the head of the family plays an important role in all respects.

Being both father and husband, he is the only one who can arbitrate all family problems, especially the division of property. This will be done upon the death of the parents or when one of the married children, who had been living under the same roof, separates. Only boys can claim this division. The eldest brother will then receive a significant share because he will be responsible for living with the parents. However, there is an exception for the Nùng Dín Hoàng Sa Phì group (Hà Giang). It is the youngest child of the family who will inherit a significant share of the property because he will be the last to marry and will have the responsibility to accompany the parents until the end of their lives.

In case the family has no sons, the property goes to the son-in-law who is obliged to change his name and who is now responsible for maintaining his wife’s ancestral altar. There are many taboos that the young bride is supposed to know when she lives under her husband’s family roof. She cannot pass in front of the ancestral altar. She is not allowed to sit in the reception area reserved for visitors. She cannot enter the place where her father-in-law sleeps or stay at the same table with him. In the absence of her husband, it is forbidden for her father-in-law to give her anything or to enter her room. The father-in-law cannot accompany his daughter-in-law. He is not allowed to work together with his daughter-in-law in the same rice field. The same prohibitions are found in the relationship between the son-in-law and his mother-in-law.

Similar to the Mường, the Nùng need to consult the horoscope of the bride and groom to avoid problems of age incompatibility. The decision to start the marriage or not belongs to the parents based on the equality of social and family conditions of the two families. For boys, the selection criteria remain the same as in other ethnic groups: hard work, strength, aptitude for hunting and agriculture. For girls, people are accustomed to seeking their profile through certain well-known Nùng sayings:

Nả hang khàng suổi phịn siêng (con gái mặt vuông chữ điền trông như tiên)

The girl with a square, well-defined face looks like a fairy.

or

Kiêu sải bố thưng tum , mì cua tẻ sè lùm sèo móp
Gót chân không chạm đất khổ suốt đời

The heel not touching the ground is a sign of a hard life.

Sometimes judgment is based on observing the family of the young bride. This is found in the following Nùng saying:

Chiếu khẩu lệ chiếu phàng, Chiếu nàng lẽ chiếu mẻ
Muốn biết được lúa, nhìn vào gốc rạ. Muốn biết nàng dâu, nhìn vào người mẹ.

To know the quality of the rice plant, look at the roots. To know the young bride, observe her mother.

However, before marriage, girls and boys are free to love and understand each other during major festivals where they can participate in folk games or alternate singing slì songs. They can also take the opportunity to give each other certain souvenirs (baskets for cotton balls (hắp lì), baskets for thread balls (cóm lót), turbans for boys (cưn nả), combs (phooc phum), embroidered bags, etc.).

In the Nùng marriage, the matchmaker (male or female) remains an essential figure as they handle all the formal procedures and financial transactions between the two families. In most cases, the brother of the groom’s mother is appointed to this demanding role because he will later become the godfather of the bride along with his wife after the wedding. In financial transactions, the bride’s family tends to ask for more gifts because the bride’s value is considered greater based on the number of these gifts.

The marriage ritual has several stages, the most important of which is leading the bride to her husband’s house. She is required to lightly touch a tray of food placed at the entrance of the main door and then knock it over with her foot. Then, she must quickly cross the threshold of the door. This procedure is known as « Nghi lễ tách nhập ma (Procedure of detachment and union of ghosts). » From that moment on, she becomes a full member of her husband’s family both spiritually and materially. She will permanently join her husband’s house when she becomes pregnant or after six months of marriage.

Death

In the ancestral tradition of the Nùng, when there is a deceased in the family, all close relatives from the maternal side (or păang lăng) must be present before placing the deceased in the coffin. A shaman (thẩy tào) is also required, who is supposed to handle all the ritual procedures related to the funeral from A to Z.

He must begin the first important procedure Khay lò to clear the way and accompany the soul of the deceased to the other world because for the Nùng, the soul that escapes from a dead body continues to live. Married daughters and nieces must bring money trees as their contributions, and the close relatives from the maternal side a horse for their funeral offerings. For the Nùng, even after the burial, the soul continues to wander around the house. That is why an altar must be set up next to the place where the deceased used to sleep when still alive.

After one hundred days of burial, there will be a ceremony accompanied by a large number of delicious dishes (pork, chicken, and sticky rice (xôi)). Then it will be followed by another marking the end of mourning after three years.

Each Nùng group has its own way of celebrating this ending. The Nùng Lôi destroy a bamboo tube that they had previously left on the deceased’s altar by burning it, while the Nùng An make a large number of familiar animals (pigs, chickens, buffaloes, oxen) and farming tools using cut paper and place them in a pot that they bury under the location of the deceased’s grave. The Nùng see death only as the beginning of another life for the deceased. That is why they need these offerings to be able to lead a more pleasant life in the other world.

Birth

Similar to the Mường, there are many taboos surrounding the birth of a child. The child needs to be protected by the goddess of childhood, whose altar will be set up in the house. Besides the celebration of the child’s first month, some Nùng groups also hold a ceremony to give a name to the child when they reach adulthood.

Similar to the Vietnamese, the Nùng have a long history and a millennial culture. It was with them that the Vietnamese were part of the Hundred Yue. In the past, facing formidable northern adversaries, they tried to create their own state but were unable to achieve it. Their undeniable contribution to the foundation of the Âu Lạc kingdom of the Vietnamese cannot be denied. Their hero Nùng Trí Cao continues to hold a place in our history.

There is no reason not to make their history and culture known to young Vietnamese because

The Nùng also have a significant share of responsibility in building the future of our Vietnam along with the other 52 ethnic groups.

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