Vietnam

Histoire du Vietnam

Bronze drums (Part 3,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Lịch sử, Traditions, Vietnam

Who are the Dongsonians?

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It is very important to know them because we know they were the owners of these bronze drums. Are they the ancestors of the current Vietnamese? Very little is known about these people and their culture because the research started in the early 20th century by the French was interrupted during the long years of war that Vietnam experienced. However, it is certain that in the 1st century AD, the Dongsonian culture ended with the Chinese annexation.

It was only from 1980 that archaeological excavations resumed. We began to better understand their origin, way of life, and sphere of influence. Thanks to the exceptionally enriched archaeological documentation in recent years, the origin of the Dongsonian culture has been fairly clarified. This culture has its roots among the pre-Dongsonian cultures (those of Phùng Nguyên, Ðồng Dậu, and Gò Mun). There is no need to look so far north or west for the origin of this culture. The Dongsonian culture is actually the result of a succession of stages corresponding to these three cultures mentioned above in a continuous cultural development. The eminent Vietnamese archaeologist Hà Văn Tấn was right to solemnly say: To search for the origins of the Dongsonian culture in the North or West, as several researchers did in the past, is to put forward a hypothesis without scientific basis.

Thanks to the distribution maps of archaeological sites in the Red River basin, it is evident that the pre-Dongson Bronze Age cultures occupied exactly the same region where the sites of the Phùng Nguyên culture were located. It can be said without hesitation that the Đông Sơn culture extends from Hoàng Liên Sơn province in the north to Bình Trị Thiên province in the south.

The Dongsonians were above all skilled rice farmers. They cultivated rice using slash-and-burn methods and flooded fields. They raised buffaloes and pigs. But it was water that was both their wealth and their primary concern because it could be deadly, overflowing from the Red River to engulf crops. They were daring navigators, so close to rivers and coasts that they were accustomed to using dugout canoes for their movements. This custom was so deeply ingrained in their minds that they built their homes as wooden stilt houses with immense roofs curved at both ends, decorated with totemic birds and resembling a dugout canoe.

Even in their death, they designed coffins shaped like canoes. According to Trịnh Cao Tường, a specialist in the study of communal houses (đình) of Vietnamese villages, the architecture of the Vietnamese communal house elevated on stilts reflects the echo of the spirit of the Dongsonians still present in the daily life of the Vietnamese.

The Dongsonians used to tattoo their bodies, chew a preparation made from areca nuts, and blacken their teeth. Tattooing, often described as a « barbaric » practice in Chinese annals, was, according to Vietnamese texts, intended to protect people from attacks by water dragons (con thuồng luồng).

The habit of chewing betel is very ancient in Vietnam. It existed long before the Chinese conquest. When mentioning the blackening of teeth, one cannot forget the famous phrase spoken by Emperor Quang Trung before the liberation of the capital « Thăng Long, » occupied by the Qing: « Đánh để được giữ răng đen. » Fight the Chinese to liberate the city and to keep the teeth blackened. This clearly shows his political will to perpetuate Vietnamese culture, particularly that of the Dongsonians. 

They wore their hair long in a bun and supported by a turban. According to some Vietnamese texts, they had short hair to facilitate their movement in the mountain forests. Their clothing was made from plant fibers. During recent excavations of the Làng Cả necropolis (Việt Trì) in 1977 and 1978, it was observed that differences in wealth were pronounced among the Dongsonians in the analysis of funerary furniture. Opulence is visible in certain individual tombs. Society began to structure itself in a way that revealed the gap between the rich and the poor through funerary furniture. There is no longer any doubt about the increasingly advanced hierarchy in Dongsonian society. It is also found in their military hierarchy: the wearing of metal armor was reserved for the great military chiefs. Lesser chiefs had to make do with leather cuirasses or tree bark coats of armor, similar to those of the Dayak in Borneo, Indonesia.

During recent archaeological excavations, Vietnamese archaeologists are confronted with the burial practices used by the Dongsonians. They employed various modes of burial: interments in pits (mộ huyện đất) with the deceased in a lying or crouching position (Thiệu Dương), burials in dugout coffin boats (mộ thuyền) (Việt Khê, Châu Can, Châu Sơn), burials in bronze jars or inverted drums (mộ vò). ( Đào Thịnh, Vạn Thắng) .

The burial mode in boat-shaped coffins has only been found in certain regions of Northern Vietnam (Hải Phòng, Hải Hưng, Thái Bình, Hà Nam Ninh, and Hà Sơn Bình). The area is very limited compared to the zone of influence of the Đồng Sơn culture. On the other hand, in famous Dong Son sites such as Làng Cả (Vĩnh Phú), Đồng Sơn, Thịệu Dương (Thanh Hoá), Làng Vạc (Nghệ Tĩnh), no burial mode involving boat-shaped coffins has been reported. Some Vietnamese archaeologists like Hà Văn Tấn believe that the coffins had the possibility of being preserved because they were located in a marshy area. This is not the case for other coffins, as they were situated in unfavorable places where water could erase everything over time.

According to Vietnamese archaeologist Hà Văn Tấn, the marsh area could have been, during the Dong Son period, a swampy region where people lived under conditions similar to those who habitually soaked their skin and skeleton in water throughout their lives and in death. (Sống ngâm da, chết ngâm xương). It is not surprising to find in these people their way of thinking and their method of burying the dead in boat-shaped coffins because for them, from birth to death, the means of transport was always the boat.

Other archaeologists question the disappearance of this custom among the Vietnamese. Why does this burial method continue to be practiced by the Mường, close cousins of today’s Vietnamese? Yet they share the same ancestors. The explanation that can be given is as follows: the diversity of burials clearly shows the « disparate » nature among the Dongsonians. Considered as Indonesians (or Austroasians (Nam Á in Vietnamese)), they are in fact populations of the same culture but remain physically heterogeneous. According to Russian researchers Levin and Cheboksarov, the Indonesians would be a mix of Australoids and Mongoloids. They originated from the fusion of the Luo Yue (Lac Việt), (Australo-Melanesian elements, ancient inhabitants of eastern Indochina who still remained on the continent) and Mongoloid elements probably coming via the Blue River from the borders of Tibet and Yunnan during the Spring and Autumn period (Xuân Thu). It does not appear that physical diversity is accompanied by cultural diversity. At each era, the same tools and customs seem common to all. If there is a difference in the burial method, this can be explained by the lack of resources and forced Sinicization among the Vietnamese. This is not the case for the Mường, who, taking refuge in the most remote corners of the mountains, can perpetuate this custom without any difficulty.

According to archaeologist Hà Văn Tấn, it is possible to find oneself in this hypothesis illustrated by the example of the burial method, which is carried out differently today among the Southern Vietnamese (descendants of a mixture of Vietnamese, Chinese, Chams, and Khmers) and those from the North, even though they come from the same people and the same culture.

It is through picturesque traits that we begin to better understand the Dongsonians during archaeological excavations. There is no longer any doubt about their origin. They belonged to the Hundred Yue or Bai Yue because in them we find everything related to the Bai Yue: tattooing, teeth lacquering, betel chewing, worship of totem animals, stilt houses, use of drums, etc., among the 25 characteristic elements found among the Yue and cited by the British sinologist Joseph Needham. They were designated in Chinese annals by different generic names: Man Di during the Spring and Autumn period, Hundred Yue (or Bai Yue) during the Warring States period (Tam Quôc), Kiao Tche (or Giao Chi in Vietnamese) during the Han (or Chinese) domination.

According to Vietnamese scholar Đào Duy Anh, the name Kiao Tche (Giao Chỉ) given to the Yue peoples in northern Vietnam originally designates the territories occupied by the Yue who worship the kiao long (giao long) (crocodile-dragon), kiao and tche meaning respectively dragon and territory.

This hypothesis was adopted and supported by Vietnamese archaeologists Hà Văn Tấn and Trần Quốc Vượng. This crocodile-dragon, a totemic animal of the Dongsonians, is found in funerary artifacts: axes, spears, armor plates, and thạp vases (for example, Đào Thịnh). It is from this multiple mixture of Dongsonians with other ethnic groups from Si Ngeou (Tây Âu), ancestors of the Tày, Nùng, Choang, and close relatives of the Thai in the mountainous regions of Kouang Si (Guangxi) and Northern Vietnam at the beginning of the Iron Age (3rd century BC, Âu Lạc period) that today’s Vietnamese originate.

The territory of the Hundred Yue is so vast that it forms an inverted triangle with the Yangtze River (Dương Tử Giang) as the base, Tonkin (Northern Vietnam) as the apex, the regions of Tcho-Kiang (Zhejiang), Fou Kien (Fujian), and Kouang-Tong (Guangdong) on its eastern side, and the regions of Sseu-tchouan (Sichuan), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Kouang Si (Guangxi) on its western side. (Paul Pozner).
Many chiefdoms were established there, and there were no borders hindering the spread and circulation of their traditions, particularly the making and use of bronze drums. This is why it is possible that bronze drums were made at the same time in distinct centers within the territories of the Yue (Vietnam, Yunnan, Guangxi) according to different casting techniques (lost-wax casting in Vietnam, mold sections in Yunnan) and according to the availability of local mining resources.

In the analyses of Ðồng Sơn bronzes, it is observed that the percentage of lead is higher than that of tin, which is an exceptional fact in the technology of Dong Son bronze. But it is surprising to find roughly the same lead and tin content in the analysis of the Kur drum bronze in Indonesia. It would have been impossible for the Indonesians of that time to chemically analyze this drum to know the content of each metal. They must have learned from the Dong Son people either directly or indirectly. This strongly supports the hypothesis of the diffusion of metallurgy from the Red River basin starting in Vietnam, unless Dong Son metallurgists were present on their territory at that time.

Moreover, the Dong Son people knew how to seek an appropriate alloy for each type of object they made. This is the case with the weapons found in the Dong Son burial sites, where the lead content is lower and the tin content quite significant, giving them a remarkable degree of hardness. Furthermore, the percentages of metals in the chemical composition of the bronzes from Jinning (Yunnan) are roughly the same as those of ancient Chinese bronzes. (Nguyễn Phước Long: 107). This is not the case with the Dong Son bronzes.

These were local and original products and belonged to the Red River civilization. Living on the edge of the East Sea or South China Sea (Biển Đông), the Dong Son people were close to major trade routes, which allowed for a wide dissemination of their culture and their bronze drums. It was about 2 km from the Vietnamese coast in the Vũng Áng region (Hà Tĩnh) that a Vietnamese fisherman accidentally caught two objects in his net in 2009 in the East Sea: a bronze axe and a spearhead dating from the Đồng Sơn period.

This proves that the Dongsonian people used maritime routes to establish a network of exchanges with all the states bordering the South China Sea (starting from the north, clockwise). In Zhejiang (Triết Giang), during an archaeological excavation at Thượng Mã Sơn (An Cát, Hồ Châu or Huzhou Shi), Chinese archaeologists found an object that was not native to this region and undoubtedly belonged to the Dongsonian civilization. It is a bronze drum similar to the one found in Lãng Ngâm in Bắc Ninh province in Northern Vietnam. (Trịnh Sinh 1997). Then in Canton, in the tomb of King Zhao Mei (Triệu Muội), identified as the second ruler of Nan Yue and known as Nam Việt Vương in Vietnamese, cylindrical situlas with geometric decoration (thạp) were discovered, frequently found in Dongsonian sites in Vietnam. Finally, along the Vietnamese coast (Champa, Chenla), in territories where the Sa Huỳnh culture was present at that time, bronze drums, daggers, and Dongsonian axes were also found in bronze jar burials (mộ vò).

Further inland, on the island (Hòn Rái) of Kiên Giang province, near Phú Quốc island, in the Gulf of Siam, a Đông Sơn bronze drum was discovered in 1984 during the exhumation of bodies, inside which were found axes, spearheads, as well as human bones. We must also not forget the bronze drums found in Thailand, characterized by the three elements copper, lead, and tin, with lead content reaching up to 20% (U. Gueler 1944), which testifies to one of the characteristics of Đông Sơn bronzes (Trinh Sinh: 1989: 43-50). The Đông Sơn civilization developed in a very open environment. In northern Vietnam, the flow of information and objects was facilitated by the Red River, which originates in Yunnan and was considered the river Silk Road between the Dian kingdom and that of the Đông Sơn people. Benefiting from the abundance of mineral deposits in their territory and the proximity to the coasts of the East Sea, they succeeded in developing a spectacular bronze art and imposing a very original and distinctive style through their bronze drums, situlas, and magnificent objects, which probably explains their leadership role in mastering lost-wax casting and facilitating exchanges not only within the Yue territories but also in territories as distant as those.

For the Dongsonians as for the Yue, the bronze drum was not only a common cult heritage that they were supposed to keep carefully but also an emblem of power and rallying beyond their village and ethnic community. The bronze drum, which guaranteed agrarian rites and social cohesion, was made by talented local metallurgists solely to perpetuate their ancestral tradition, never considering that their artistic work could become an object of dispute between the two peoples, Vietnamese and Chinese, one being considered the legitimate heir of the Hundred Yue and supposed to revive the civilization of its ancestors, that of the Bai Yue, and the other, conqueror of the territories of the Bai Yue and supposed to restore to the descendants of the Yue the place they deserve in today’s China. One cannot remain indifferent to the hypothesis defended by the sinologist Charles Higham in his work entitled « The Bronze Age of Southeast Asia« :

The search for origins and changes occurring in the second half of the 1st millennium BCE in the region leads to the overlooking of an important point. These changes taking place in what have become today the south of China and the Red River Delta basin were accomplished by groups exchanging their ideas and goods in response to strong pressure from the north, from powerful and expansionist states (Chu (Sỡ), the Qin (Tần), and the Han (Hán)) who ultimately managed to crush them.

From a historical and cultural perspective, all those descended from the Yue have the right to claim this heritage. But from a logical standpoint, only the Luo Yue (or the Dongsonians) among the Baiyue succeeded in forming a nation and having an autonomous and independent country (Vietnam). This is not the case for the other Yue, who were all sinicized over the centuries during the imperial expansion initiated by the Qin and the Han. No one has the right to contest the Yue character in present-day Vietnamese. This is also the observation made by the French ethnologist Georges Condominas:

Mentioning the Yue is to go back to the origins of Vietnamese identity. (G. Condominas). It is obvious that the paternity of the bronze drums belongs to the Vietnamese, especially since these sacred instruments could carry a message left to them by their ancestors (the Dongsonian people). The inscription engraved on the bronze column of General Ma Yuan is well known: Let this column fall and Giao Chỉ will disappear (Ðồng trụ triệt, Giao Chỉ diệt). Where is this bronze column when we know that Giao Chi (Vietnam) continues to exist today? By closely observing a bronze drum, one notices that it resembles a cut tree trunk. Its tympanum bearing several concentric circles is analogous to the cross-section of the trunk with rings added over the centuries.

Does the bronze drum evoke Ma Yuan’s bronze column? Some scientists believe that the bronze drum is the « tree of life. » This is the case for the Russian scientist N.J. Nikulin from the Moscow Institute of Culture. Relying on the discoveries and suggestions of Vietnamese researchers (such as Lê Văn Lan) about the idea of a « totality » represented by the bronze drum through its depictions, he arrives at the following conclusion: The bronze drum is a representation of the universe: the tympanum (or the plate), symbolizing the celestial and terrestrial world (thiên giới, trần giới), the trunk representing the marine world (thủy quốc), and the base representing the underground world (âm phủ). According to him, there is an intimate relationship between the bronze drum and the mythical narrative of the Mường, close relatives of the present-day Vietnamese.

In the Mường conception of the creation of the universe, the tree of life symbolizes the notion of universal order, as opposed to the chaotic state found at the moment of the world’s creation. The worship of the tree is a very ancient custom of the Vietnamese. The areca palm found in the betel quid (chuyện trầu cau) testifies to this worship. According to historian and archaeologist Bernet Kempers, the bronze drum illustrates a fundamentally monistic (Oneness) vision of the cosmos.         

It is this bronze drum that the Han wanted to destroy to seal the fate of the Dongsonians because it was the tree of life symbolizing both their strength and their conception of life. Fortunately, over the centuries, the bronze drum did not disappear, but thanks to the picks and shovels of French and Vietnamese archaeologists, it reappeared splendid and radiant, allowing the descendants of the Dongsonians to rediscover their true history, their origin without being seen as cooked barbarians.

Being a sacred instrument, the bronze drum is more than ever involved in the restoration and testimony of the identity of the Vietnamese people, which was nearly erased many times by the Middle Kingdom throughout its history.

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Bronze drums (Part 2,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Histoire, Vietnam

 

soleil_dongsonThe star appears in the center of the drums

Bronze drums debates

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In this important study on bronze drums, he distinguishes 4 main types:

In type I, the bronze drum is of imposing size. It consists of three distinct parts: a conical base, a straight or slightly inclined cylindrical body, and a bulging part (or tang in Vietnamese) that ends at the meeting point of the drumhead with an edge. For Heger type I drums belonging to the last period of the Bronze Age and dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD, various motifs (figures, birds, boats, stilt houses) and concentric zones with a raised star in the center with a number of rays appear on the drumhead (Ngọc Lũ, Hoàng Hạ, Sông Ðà, Thựơng Lâm, Quảng Xương, etc.). Its resonating body has 4 pairs of handles.

In type II, the drumhead overhangs its bulging part which, together with its slightly flared straight part towards the bottom, forms the resonating body of the drum. Moreover, it has only two pairs of handles. These drums have been discovered in the habitation area of the Mường ethnic minorities. The drumhead is richly decorated with 4 or 6 toads, even elephants and turtles in relief. These animals are placed counterclockwise. The motifs are so stylized as to become unrecognizable. A large number of drums of this type have been found in Vietnam, in southern China and the Malay Archipelago.

In type III, the drums are always equipped with a plate on which toads are stacked in limited numbers. These amphibians are aligned counterclockwise. There is an elongation of the cylindrical body up to the lower edge without much flaring. The handles are small and elegant. The distribution area of these drums is mainly to the west of the Trường Sơn mountain range, in Thailand, Laos, Myanmar, and Yunnan.

In type IV, these are copies of type I drums. Sometimes there are Chinese characters. They are found in large numbers in Yunnan (China). The plate fits directly onto the body and never overhangs. These drums are generally small in size. The star in the middle of the plate always has twelve rays corresponding to the duodenary cycle (12 earthly branches). They are found in Vietnam in the northern border region among the Lo Lo and Pupe ethnic minorities.

In general, the ornamentation is considered rich in information on the plate (or tympanum), particularly that of type Heger I: warriors armed with crossbows or javelins, humans adorned with bird feathers, musicians playing the khène or handling castanets, women wearing loincloths pounding rice in a mortar, fish, stylized birds, deer, ritual canoe races, funeral rituals, etc.

Regarding the ornamentation found on the drum body, there are significant differences from one drum to another in terms of themes and animal representations. The order of decoration seems arbitrary. It can be observed that many drums have no ornamentation on their bodies. However, this is not the case for the drumheads. The ornamentation with concentric circles presents an identical structure from one drum to another. On the other hand, the figurative character found on the drumheads of the earliest drums (Ngọc Lũ, Hoàng Hạ, Sông Ðà, Cổ Loa, Moulié, etc.) increasingly evolves towards abstraction and geometrization. Despite this, the overall structure, particularly the orientation of the drum, is generally maintained by the presence of a minimal circle of four birds, which gives the drumheads a sacred character and the drums their true raison d’être.

According to Catherine Noppe, curator of the Oriental Collections at the Royal Museum of Mariemont, the Dongson culture was the origin of a number of specific forms recognizable in decoration. In the repertoire of geometric motifs, there are dots, dotted circles, triangles, diamonds, straight lines, and spirals.

The concentric circles and straight lines used to organize the decoration into precise zones (on the drums or vessels) attest to a desire for clarity and readability necessary for the identification of a decoration often abundant, integrating both animals and figures.

In many debates and writings, there is a tendency to focus on dating and ornamentation. Until today, Vietnamese archaeologists believe that Heger’s general classification structure remains valid because, for them, the fundamental criterion to respect is ornamentation. The finer, more complex, and more numerous the motifs visible in the decoration, the easier it is to prove the origin. This is why they concentrate their efforts on details and propose dividing Heger Type I into several subtypes. This is not the case for Chinese archaeologists who find Heger’s classification obsolete since the discovery of a large number of drums in southern China (Yunnan, Guangxi, and Guangdong). Moreover, according to them, originality should be expressed through simplicity in ornamentation and size. Initially divided over Heger’s classification due to regional affinities (between the Chinese supporters from Guangxi and Yunnan), they have managed to unify their viewpoints and now accept Heger’s classification while adding another type which they have called under the name of  » Pre Heger-I » since the discovery of several bronze drums (Wanjiaba (Vạn Gia Bá), Yunnan) believed to belong to the « Pre Heger I » type in 1975 and 1976.

They claim that these were earlier than those of Ðồng Sơn (Ngọc Lũ, Sông Ðà (Moulié), Hoàng Hạ, Sông Hồng (Gillet), etc.) based on the radiocarbon dating of funerary objects found at the same time as these drums. For them, the important criteria to consider in determining the antiquity of the drum are as follows: its large face, its trunk being reduced from three to two parts, and its less complex decoration. There is no doubt that the oldest bronze drums originated from Yunnan. Unfortunately, their beliefs have been endorsed neither by the global scientific community nor by Vietnamese archaeologists. According to the latter, the dating of bronze drums could not be based solely on the radiocarbon dating of funerary objects because the margin of error would be too high, around 235 years, based on their experience with a piece of wood from a coffin. But there are other factors that should be taken into consideration. This is the case with the example of the bronze drum found in a burial at Việt Khê. Radiocarbon dating indicates that the tomb was 2480 ± 100 years old before 1950 CE (Common Era) or around 530 BCE (Before the Common Era). However, based on its decorative style, the bronze drum could have been made only between the 3rd and 6th centuries BCE.

Besides radiocarbon dating, there is a total divergence between Chinese and Vietnamese archaeologists in the interpretation of the decoration. This is important as it can help archaeologists identify the ethnic and geographical affiliations since it reflects the spiritual life of the people who invented this drum. Each side tries to provide its own interpretation regarding the stilt bird, the amphibian, and the boat.

The stilt bird:

This flying bird seen on the bronze drum with a long beak and long legs is very familiar to the Vietnamese because it is indeed the heron. It is obvious to see it depicted on the bronze drum as it symbolizes the labor and diligence of the proto-Vietnamese. It is part of their daily life. It is often seen accompanying Vietnamese farmers in the rice fields. It is mentioned many times in their popular poems. Thanks to recent linguistic research, the term Văn Lang used to designate the kingdom of the Hùng kings during the Đông Sơn period is nothing other than the phonetic transcription in Chinese characters of an ancient Austro-Asiatic word: vlang, meaning a large stilt bird. Similarly, the name of the Hùng clan known as « Hồng Bàng » also refers to a stilt bird related to the heron.

For the Chinese, the heron is considered the accompanying bird, after death, of the soul towards immortality (cỡi hạc qui tiên). It is a long tradition to decorate drums with heron motifs in the central plains of China. The spread of this belief first becomes visible in the area of the Chu principality (Sỡ Quốc) and then among other ethnic groups in southern China. This is undoubtedly Chinese influence.

The amphibian

It can be seen on certain bronze drums, particularly those of the Heger I type belonging to the last period of the Bronze Age and dating from the 1st and 2nd centuries AD (late drums) (or trống muộn Heger I). Chinese archaeologists believe that the small amphibians found on the faces of these drums are frogs used for ornamental purposes without any special meaning. However, for the Vietnamese, the presence of frogs on the drum surface suggests that the drum could be a rain drum because, according to Vietnamese tradition, there is a close kinship between amphibians and Heaven:
Toads and frogs are the uncles of the Lord Heaven
Beware those who mistreat them; they will be punished accordingly.

Their presence can be explained by beliefs common to all peoples of southern Asia: the croaking of amphibians announces the rain essential for the sown fields.

The boat:

For the Chinese, the boat is mentioned to reflect the ancient tradition of the annual ritual race in the Chu kingdom during the Warring States period. This custom aims to honor the memory of the famous poet Qu Yuan (Khuất Nguyên). He committed suicide in 278 BC to denounce the endemic corruption of his time in this kingdom, which was later annexed by the Qin. For the Vietnamese, opinions are divided. Some share the same view as the Chinese, opting for the theme of the « Paddled Boat » because it is more detailed and visible on certain drums (Sông Đà, Miếu Môn, Làng Vạc, etc.), but others continue to think of funerary ceremonies. This is a thesis defended by Goloubew (1929), citing ethnographic examples of the Dayak (Borneo), and has become the dominant thesis today in popular writings.

This custom is still practiced today by the Dayak, who were formerly established on the eastern coast of Indochina. They still believe in the existence, in the middle of the ocean, of a mysterious island where their ancestors enjoy supreme happiness. It is this golden boat (or boat of the dead) that can be seen depicted on the Hoàng Hạ and Ngọc Lữ drums with warriors without paddles, ready to fight the malevolent spirits that threaten them in the afterlife. This mystical theme is essentially based on the funerary cult, an ancient tradition known by the Dayak who, born near the rivers and close to the coasts, should one day return to their distant paradise by taking this ghost boat upon their death.

The Tiwah (lễ chiêu hồn) or the festival of the dead continues to be celebrated to this day by the Dayak of Borneo. The canoe-shaped coffins (mộ thuyền) found in Dong Son burials (Việt Khê for example) are not unrelated to this tradition. It is important to recall that, being dolichocephalic Indonesians (Deniker) (or Austroasiatics), the Dayak Ot-Danom and Olo-ngadju had a hierarchical organization identical to that which still exists among the Mường of the Black River (Sông Ðà), an ethnic minority close to the present-day Vietnamese. The power of their chiefs is considered hereditary.

Besides the Sino-Vietnamese disagreements mentioned above, there remains an important element pitting several theories against each other. It is the star depicted at the center of the drum’s plateau. The number of rays varies from one drum to another. On the Ngọc Lũ drum, there are 14 rays while the Hoàng Hạ drum has two more. As for the Vienna drum, it has only 12 rays. It is unlikely that this central star with multiple rays is a star, as people of that time could not have seen it larger than the one they observed in the sky. There is only one star larger than the others around which scenes of life are arranged in rhythm with the seasons. Could it be anything other than the sun?

In an agrarian society, the sun and rain are needed to fertilize the soil and have good harvests. The French archaeologist M. Colani, who discovered the Hoà Bình culture in 1926, held this view when speaking of a solar cult in Indochina. (7). But this hypothesis was contested by the Australian anthropologist and historian Helmut Loofs-Wissova. He rejects the idea that the inter-radial triangles are passive decorative elements. There is no reason to think of a celestial body, but these triangles should be considered as the product of a differentiation into « quarters. » He went further in his approach by considering that these drums are like regalia (quyền trượng). He explains their dispersion by the desire of local chiefs wishing to have the grace of ritual authority (but not political) located somewhere in northern Vietnam and having the power to give them bronze drums, like the papacy in the West with regalia. This hypothesis cannot be corroborated first by the presence of dotted circles, simple or concentric, found abundantly on the ornaments and weapons of warriors disguised as spirit-men, as these have long been known as heliacal symbols in prehistoric Western art (on Caucasian and Hispanic bronzes).

Moreover, after the annexation of the Giao Chỉ territory by the Chinese, the distribution of bronze drums continued to spread towards Southeast Asia. It seems unthinkable to imagine that there exists in this territory an independent political or religious power without the agreement of the Han (or Chinese). Those who are only the destroyers of bronze drums in the manner of their general Ma Yuan cannot use them as regalia. Although this theory is appealing, it seems less convincing.

According to the beliefs of the Austroasiatic peoples, the drum is not only a sacred instrument but also a living fetish. By designating the drum with the word « trống » in Vietnamese, it is known to be masculine. It is customary to refer to the rooster with the word « gà trống or gà sống. » Similar to the Yue’s knife (Alain Thote), it must be nourished with blood, alcohol, and rice. It is awakened from time to time during ritual ceremonies by strikes of a mallet at the center of its surface, where the sun is depicted symbolizing the driving force of the gift of life. It is also here that its soul and magical power reside.

Being of a yang nature and always accompanied by gongs (of a Yin nature) which the Mường, close cousins of the Vietnamese, consider as a stylized representation of the woman’s chest in ritual festivals, it is charged with protecting not only the village but also the clan or tribe that must demonstrate its legitimacy in possessing it and its ability to maintain it with remarkable regularity. Sometimes its prestige can go beyond its regional sphere, and its capacity for rallying and mobilization is considerable. It can express its wrath through the voice of a female medium (kruu) among the Kantou of the Annamite Range (Trường Sơn), as reported by Yves Goudineau in his article entitled « Bronze Drums and Ceremonial Circumambulations » (BEFEO, Volume 87, no. 2, pp. 553-578).

In northern Vietnam and in Yunnan province, there is a strange custom of getting rid of the bronze drum. Considered a living fetish, the drum is given its birthday (a grand celebration) but it can also be « killed » by piercing the center of its drumhead where the sun is depicted, as this symbolizes the generative force of the gift of life. By destroying it in this way, it is believed that one destroys not only its soul but also the symbol of power of the tribe or clan that owns it and its magical power, in order to prevent later revenge. This also explains the behavior of the Chinese general Ma Yuan during the repression against the Giao Chi. That is why during archaeological excavations in northern Vietnam, drums are sometimes found with the center of the drumhead completely pierced.

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[Bronze drums: Part 3, VA]

 

Bronze drums (Part 1,VA)

j050807 Art, Đồng Sơn, Histoire, Traditions, Vietnam

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Until today, the bronze drums continue to sow discord between the Vietnamese and Chinese scientific communities. For the Vietnamese, the bronze drums are the prodigious and ingenious invention of peasant metallurgists during the time of the Hùng kings, the founding fathers of the Văn Lang kingdom. It was in the Red River delta that the French archaeologist Louis Pajot unearthed several of these drums at Ðồng Sơn (Thanh Hoá province) in 1924, along with other remarkable objects (figurines, ceremonial daggers, axes, ornaments, etc.), thus providing evidence of a highly sophisticated bronze metallurgy and a culture dating back at least 600 years before Christ. The Vietnamese find not only their origin in this re-excavated culture (or Đông Sơn culture) but also the pride of reconnecting with the thread of their history. For the French researcher Jacques Népote, these drums become the national reference of the Vietnamese people. For the Chinese, the bronze drums were invented by the Pu/Liao (Bộc Việt), a Yue ethnic minority from Yunnan (Vân Nam). It is evident that the authorship of this invention belongs to them, aiming to demonstrate the success of the process of mixing and cultural exchange among the ethnic groups of China and to give China the opportunity to create and showcase the fascinating multi-ethnic culture of the Chinese nation.

Despite this bone of contention, the Vietnamese and the Chinese unanimously acknowledge that the area where the first bronze drums were invented encompasses only southern China and northern present-day Vietnam, although a large number of bronze drums have been continuously discovered across a wide geographical area including Thailand, Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Indonesia, and the eastern Sunda Islands. Despite their dispersion and distribution over a very vast territory, fundamental cultural affinities are noted among populations that at first glance appear very different, some protohistoric and others almost contemporary. Initially, in the Chinese province of Yunnan where the Red River originates, the bronze drum has been attested since the 6th century BCE and continued to be used until the 1st century, just before the annexation of the Dian kingdom (Điền Quốc) by the Han (or Chinese). The bronze chests intended to contain local currency (or cowries), discovered at Shizhaishan (Jinning) and bearing on their upper part a multitude of figures or animals in sacrificial scenes, clearly testify to the indisputable affinities between the Dian kingdom and the Dongsonian culture.

Then among the populations of the Highlands (the Joraï, the Bahnar, or the Hodrung) in Vietnam, the drum cult is found at a recent date. Kept in the communal house built on stilts, the drum is taken down only to call the men to the buffalo sacrifice and funeral ceremonies. The eminent French anthropologist Yves Goudineau described and reported the sacrificial ceremony during his multiple observations among the Kantou of the Annamite Trường Sơn mountain range, a ceremony involving bronze drums (or Lakham) believed to ensure the circularity and progression of the rounds necessary for a cosmogonic refoundation.

These sacred instruments are perceived by the Kantou villagers as the legacy of a transcendence. The presence of these drums is also visible among the Karen of Burma. Finally, further from Vietnam, on the island of Alor (Eastern Sunda), the drum is used as an emblem of power and rank, as currency, as a wedding gift, etc. Here, the drum is known as the « mokko. » Its role is close to that of the bronze drums of Ðồng Sơn. Its prototype remains the famous « Moon of Pedjeng » (Bali), whose geometric decoration is close to the Dong Son tradition. This one is gigantic and nearly 2 meters high.

More than 65 citadels spread across the territories of the Bai Yue responded favorably to the call of the uprising led by the Vietnamese heroines Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị. Perhaps this is why, under Chinese domination, the Yue (which included the proto-Vietnamese or the Giao Chi) hid and buried all the bronze drums in the ground for fear of them being confiscated and destroyed by the radical method of Ma Yuan. This could explain the reason for the burial and location of a large number of bronze drums in the territory of the Bai Yue (Bách Việt) (Guangxi (Quảng Tây), Guangdong (Quảng Đông), Hunan (Hồ Nam), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Northern Vietnam (Bắc Bộ Vietnam)) during the conquest of the Qin and Han dynasties. The issuance of the edict by Empress Kao (Lữ Hậu) in 179 BC, stipulating that it was forbidden to deliver plowing instruments to the Yue, is not unrelated to the Yue’s reluctance towards forced assimilation by the Chinese.

In Chinese annals, bronze drums were mentioned with contempt because they belonged to southern barbarians (the Man Di or the Bai Yue). It was only from the Ming dynasty that the Chinese began to speak of them in a less arrogant tone after the Chinese ambassador Trần Lương Trung of the Yuan dynasty (or Mongols (Nguyên triều)) mentioned the drum in his poem entitled « Cảm sự (Resentment) » during his visit to Vietnam under the reign of King Trần Nhân Tôn (1291).

Bóng lòe gươm sắc lòng thêm đắng
Tiếng rộn trống đồng tóc đốm hoa.

The shimmering shadow of the sharp sword makes us more bitter
The tumultuous sound of the bronze drum makes our hair speckled with white.

He was frightened when he thought about the war started by the Vietnamese against the Mongols to the sound of their drum.

On the other hand, in Chinese poems, it is never recognized that the bronze drums are part of the cultural heritage of the Han. It is considered perfectly normal that they are the product of the people of the South (the Yue or the Man). This fact is not doubted many times in Chinese poems, some lines of which are excerpted below:

Ngõa bôi lưu hải khách
Ðồng cổ trại giang thần

Chén sành lưu khách biển
Trống đồng tế thần sông

The earthenware bowl holds back the traveling sailor,
The bronze drum announces the offering to the river spirit.

in the poem « Tiễn khách về Nam (Accompanying the traveler to the South) » by Hứa Hồn.

Thử dạ khả liên giang thượng nguyệt
Di ca đồng cổ bất thăng sầu !

Ðêm nay trăng sáng trên sông
Trống đồng hát rơ cho lòng buồn thương

or

The moon of this night shimmers on the river
The barbarians’ song to the sound of the drum arouses painful regrets.

in the poem titled « Thành Hà văn dĩ ca » by the famous Chinese poet of the Tang dynasty, Trần Vũ.
In 1924, a villager from Ðồng Sơn (Thanh Hoá) recovered a large number of objects including bronze drums after the soil was eroded by the flow of the Mã river. He sold them to the archaeologist Louis Pajot, who did not hesitate to report this fact to the French School of the Far East (École Française d’Extrême-Orient). They later asked him to be responsible for all excavation work at the Ðồng Sơn site.

But it was in Phủ Lý that the first drum was discovered in 1902. Other identical drums were acquired in 1903 at the Long Ðội Sơn bonzerie and in the village of Ngọc Lữ (Hà Nam province) by the French School of the Far East. During these archaeological excavations begun in 1924 around the Ðồng Sơn hill, it was realized that a strange culture with canoe-tombs was being uncovered.

These are actually boats made from a single piece of wood, sometimes reaching up to 4.5 meters in length, each containing a deceased person surrounded by a whole set of funerary furniture: ornaments, halberds, parade daggers, axes, containers (situlas, vases, tripods), pottery, and musical instruments (bells, small bells). Moreover, in this funerary skiff are objects of quite large dimensions and recognizable: bronze drums, some measuring more than 90 cm in diameter and one meter in height. Their shape is generally very simple: a cylindrical box with a single slightly flared bottom forming the upper part of the drum. On this sounding surface, there is at its center a multi-pointed star which is struck with a mallet. Four double handles are attached to the body and the middle part of the drum to facilitate suspension or transport using metal chains or plant fiber ropes. These drums were cast using a clay mold, into which a bronze and lead alloy was poured.

The Austrian archaeologist Heine-Geldern was the first to propose the name of the Đồng Sơn site for this re-excavated culture. Since then, this culture has been known as « Dongsonian. » However, it is to the Austrian scholar Franz Heger that much credit is due for the classification of these drums. Based on 165 drums obtained through purchases, gifts, or accidental discoveries among bronze workers or ethnic minorities, he managed to accomplish a remarkable classification work that still has a significant influence in the global scientific community today, serving as an essential reference for the study of bronze drums. His work was compiled into two volumes (Alte Metaltrommeln aus Südostasien) published in Leipzig in 1902.

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[Bronze drums: Part 2, VA]
[Bronze drums: Part 3, VA]

Pagoda of Vietnam (VA: Part 1)

j050807 Art, Histoire, Religion, Vietnam

Thân là nguồn sinh diệt, Pháp tính vẫn như xưa

We are subject to the laws of birth and death.

But the nature of the Buddha remains the same over time.

Zen monk  Thuần Chân of the  Vinitaruci  sect (1101)

pagoda

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Unlike the word Đền (or temple), which refers to the place where a famous person (hero, king, or deity) is venerated, the word « Chùa » (or pagoda) is used solely to indicate the place where Buddha is honored. Before constructing this building, it is essential to carefully examine its location because it needs to be erected in harmony with the surrounding nature. However, unlike pagodas found in China, India, or Cambodia, monumentality and grandeur are not among the selection criteria for this construction. That is why the basic materials used are primarily wood, brick, and tile. The pagoda does not necessarily dominate the surrounding buildings. It can be found in almost every village. Similar to the communal house (or đình), it revives for most Vietnamese people the image of their village and, by extension, that of their homeland. It continues to exert a captivating appeal on them.

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It is more visited than the communal house because no hierarchical barrier is visible there. It is absolute equality among humans, the motto preached by Buddha himself for sharing and delivering human suffering. Even in this serious and solemn setting, one sometimes finds classical theater performances (hát bội) in its courtyard. This is not the case with the people’s house (or communal house) where notability must be strictly respected. Hierarchical discrimination is more or less visible. Even the authority of the king (Phép vua thua lệ làng) cannot influence this village custom. That is why the pagoda is closer than ever to the Vietnamese. It is customary to say: Đất vua, Chùa làng, phong cảnh Bụt (The land belongs to the king, the pagoda to the village, the landscape to Buddha) to recall not only the closeness and the privileged and intimate connection of the pagoda with its villagers but also the harmony with nature.

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Its role is predominant in the social life of the village, so much so that the pagoda is often mentioned in popular poems:

Ðầu làng có một cây đa,
Cuối làng cây thị, đàng xa ngôi chùa.

There is a banyan tree at the top of the village,
At the other end, there is a golden apple tree, and further away, a pagoda.

or

Rủ nhau xuống bể mò cua,
Lên non bẻ củi, vào chùa nghe kinh.

Rushing down to the sea to feel for crabs,
Climbing the mountain to gather firewood, entering the pagoda to listen to the sutras.

This shows how deeply attached the Vietnamese are to the sea and the mountain for sustenance and to the pagoda for spiritual nourishment. The pagoda is, in a way, their ideal and spiritual refuge in the face of natural calamities and the uncertainties they often encounter in their daily lives.

Until today, the origin of the word « Chùa » has not yet been clarified. No connection has been found in the etymology of the Chinese word « tự » (pagoda). According to some specialists, its origin should be sought in the Pali word « thupa » or « stupa » written in Sanskrit, because at the beginning of its construction, the Vietnamese pagoda resembled a stupa. Since the Vietnamese are accustomed to shortening the syllabic pronunciation of foreign-imported words, the word « stupa » thus became the word « stu » or « thu, » quickly evolving over the years into the word « chùa. » According to the Vietnamese researcher Hà Văn Tấn, this is only a hypothesis.

As for the word « Chiền » found in the ancient Vietnamese language (tiếng Việt cổ), it is used today in association with the word « Chùa » to refer to pagoda architecture. However, this word « Chiền » was often mentioned alone in the past to designate the pagoda. This is what was found in the poem titled « Chiền vắng âm thanh (deserted pagoda, solitary refuge) » by King Trần Nhân Tôn or that of Nguyễn Trãi « Cảnh ở tự chiền (or Landscape of the pagoda). » For many people, this word « Chiền » originates either from the Pali word « cetiya » or from the Sanskrit word « Caitya » to designate, in any case, the altar of the Buddha.

The construction of the pagoda requires as much time as effort in the preliminary research and exploration of the land. The site must strictly meet a certain number of criteria defined in geomancy because, according to the Vietnamese, this science could exert either a harmful or beneficial influence on the social life of villagers. The monk Khổng Lộ of the Vô Ngôn Thông sect (1016-1094), advisor to the Lý dynasty, had the opportunity to address this subject in one of his poems with the following verse: Tuyển đắc long xà địa khả cư (Choosing the land of dragons and snakes allows for peaceful dwelling) (or the choice of the best land can bring daily comfort in life).

We are used to building the pagoda either on a hill or a mound or on a sufficiently elevated area so that it can overlook the villagers’ homes. That is why the expression « Lên Chùa (or going to the pagoda), » undeniably linked to the topography of the pagoda, is commonly used by Vietnamese people even when the building in question is located on flat ground.

In most pagodas, especially those located in the North of Vietnam, the setting is both serene, mystical, and magnificent. Watercourses, mountains, hills, streams, etc., are always present, sometimes creating breathtaking landscapes due to their harmonious integration with nature. This is the case of the Master’s Pagoda (Chùa Thầy) between mountain and water. It perches on Mount Thầy in Hà Tây province, 20 km from the capital Hanoi.

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Chùa Chiền Việt Nam: Phần 2 (Version vietnamienne)

j050807 Art, Histoire, Religion, Traditions, Vietnam

 

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Chúng ta tự gọi là « Thầy » vì chính tại đây, nhà sư Từ Đạo Hạnh đã sáng tạo và truyền dạy cho người dân địa phương một loại hình nghệ thuật độc đáo: múa rối nước. Ngoài ra còn có chùa Côn Sơn nằm trên ngọn núi cùng tên, cách Hànội 60km, thuộc tỉnh Hải Dương. Chùa gồm khoảng hai mươi tòa nhà, ẩn mình trong rừng thông, trên đỉnh một cầu thang dài vài trăm bậc. Chính tại đây, sau khi từ giã sự nghiệp chính trị, nhà nhân văn nổi tiếng Nguyễn Trãi đã để lại cho chúng ta một bài thơ khó quên mang tên « Côn Sơn Ca« , trong đó ông mô tả cảnh quan hùng vĩ của ngọn núi này và cố gắng tóm tắt cuộc đời của một người chỉ có thể sống tối đa một trăm năm và người mà mọi người đều tìm kiếm những gì mình mong muốn trước khi cuối cùng trở về với cỏ và bụi. Nhưng ngôi chùa được viếng thăm nhiều nhất vẫn là Chùa Hương. Trên thực tế, đây là một quần thể các công trình được xây dựng trên vách núi.

Nằm cách thủ đô 60 km về phía tây nam, đây là một trong những thánh địa quốc gia được hầu hết người Việt Nam lui tới, cùng với chùa Bà Chúa Xứ (Châu Đốc) gần biên giới Campuchia vào dịp Tết. Ở miền Trung Việt Nam, Chùa Thiên Mụ, nằm đối diện sông Hương, không hề kém phần quyến rũ, trong khi ở phía nam, tại tỉnh Tây Ninh, không xa Sài Gòn, nằm nép mình trên núi Bà Đen (núi Bà Đen), một ngôi chùa cùng tên.

Chỉ riêng tại thủ đô Hà Nội, đã có ít nhất 130 ngôi chùa ở khu vực lân cận. Số lượng chùa cũng nhiều như số làng. Thật khó để liệt kê hết. Tuy nhiên, do sự biến đổi của thời gian và sự tàn phá của chiến tranh, chỉ còn một số ít công trình vẫn giữ được nguyên vẹn phong cách kiến ​​trúc và điêu khắc có từ thời Lý, Trần và Lê.

Đôi khi sự tàn phá của con người là nguyên nhân dẫn đến sự phá hủy một số ngôi chùa nổi tiếng. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Báo Thiên, nơi mà địa điểm đã được nhượng lại cho chính quyền thực dân Pháp để xây dựng nhà thờ Thánh Giuse theo phong cách tân Gothic mà ngày nay có thể được nhìn thấy ở trung tâm thủ đô, không xa Hồ Hoàn Kiếm nổi tiếng (Hà Nội). Nhìn chung, hầu hết các ngôi chùa ngày nay vẫn còn lưu giữ rõ ràng dấu vết của việc trùng tu và tôn tạo dưới thời nhà Nguyễn. Mặt khác, các đồ vật tôn giáo, tượng đá và đồng của họ ít bị thay đổi và vẫn giữ được trạng thái ban đầu qua nhiều thế kỷ. Hơn nữa, khi chúng ta di chuyển vào miền Trung và miền Nam Việt Nam, chúng ta nhận thấy rằng ảnh hưởng của Chăm và Khmer không vắng mặt trong kiến ​​trúc của các ngôi chùa vì những lãnh thổ này trong quá khứ lần lượt thuộc về các vương quốc Champa và Funan.Mặc dù số lượng chùa chiền rất nhiều và quy mô đa dạng, nhưng cách sắp xếp các công trình kiến ​​trúc của chúng vẫn không thay đổi. Điều này dễ dàng nhận ra qua 6 chữ Hán nổi tiếng sau: Nhất, Nhị, Tam, Đinh, Công và Quốc (hay 一, 二, 三, 丁, 工 và 国 trong tiếng Trung). Sự đơn giản thể hiện rõ qua mẫu hình được xác định bởi chữ đầu tiên Nhất, trong đó các công trình kiến ​​trúc nối tiếp nhau thành một hàng ngang duy nhất hướng ra hiên nhà (Tam Quan).

Đây là hình ảnh thường thấy ở hầu hết các ngôi chùa ở các làng quê không có trợ cấp nhà nước hoặc ở Đồng bằng sông Cửu Long ở miền Nam Việt Nam. Chữ thứ hai Nhị có nghĩa là « hai » gợi nhớ đến cách sắp xếp hai hàng ngang song song hướng ra hiên nhà. Ngôi chùa này có ưu điểm là có ít nhất ba cửa phụ và dẫn vào một khoảng sân nơi thảm thực vật tươi tốt và hiện diện khắp nơi nhờ những bụi cây rậm rạp và hoa trồng trong chậu. Đôi khi chúng ta thấy mình đang ở giữa một ao sen và súng, không khỏi gợi nhớ đến sự thanh bình hòa hợp với thiên nhiên. Với chữ Tam thứ ba, có ba hàng ngang song song thường được nối với nhau ở giữa bằng những cây cầu nhỏ hoặc một hành lang. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Kim Liên (Hà Nội) và chùa Tây Phương (Hà Tây). Hàng đầu tiên tương ứng với một nhóm các tòa nhà, tòa nhà đầu tiên thường được gọi là « tiền đường ». Đôi khi được gọi bằng tên tiếng Việt là « bái đường », tòa nhà này được sử dụng để tiếp đón tất cả các tín đồ. Nó được bảo vệ tại lối vào bởi các vị thần hộ mệnh (hoặc dvàrapalàs hoặc hộ pháp), những người, với những nét mặt đe dọa, mặc áo giáp và trưng bày vũ khí của họ (giáo, mũ sắt, v.v.). Đôi khi, mười vị vua của địa ngục (Thập điện diêm vương hoặc Yamas) ngồi trên ngai vàng bên cạnh phòng trước này, hoặc 18 vị La Hán (Phật La Hán) trong các tư thế khác nhau của họ trong hành lang. Đây là trường hợp của chùa (Chùa Keo), nơi 18 vị La Hán hiện diện trong phòng trước. Đôi khi còn có thần đất hoặc thần bảo vệ tài sản của chùa (Đức Ông).

Một trong những đặc điểm của chùa Việt Nam là sự hiện diện của mẫu thần Mẫu Hạnh (Liễu Hạnh Công Chúa), một trong bốn vị thần được người Việt Nam thờ phụng. Sự tôn kính của bà có thể thấy rõ ở gian trước của chùa Mía (Chùa Mía, Hà Tây). Sau đó, trong một tòa nhà thứ hai cao hơn một chút so với tòa nhà thứ nhất, có những lư hương cũng như tấm bia đá kể lại câu chuyện về ngôi chùa. Đây là lý do tại sao nó được gọi là « nhà thiêu hương ». Cũng ở phía sau của tòa nhà này có một bàn thờ, phía trước có các nhà sư tụng kinh cùng các tín đồ bằng cách đánh một chiếc chuông gỗ (mõ) và một chiếc chuông đồng úp ngược (chông). Đôi khi có thể tìm thấy chuông trong nhóm các tòa nhà này nếu vị trí của tháp chuông (gác chuông) không được quy hoạch bên cạnh (hoặc trên sàn) hiên nhà. Bất kể kích thước của ngôi chùa, phải có ít nhất ba tòa nhà cho hàng đầu tiên này.Sau đó, chúng ta thấy hàng quan trọng nhất của ngôi chùa tương ứng với phòng của các bàn thờ chính (thượng điện). Đây là nơi chúng ta có đền thờ phong phú và có thứ bậc. Nó được phân bổ trên ba bệ. Trên bệ cao nhất dựa vào bức tường phía sau, chúng ta thấy bàn thờ của các vị Phật của Ba Thời Đại (Tam Thế). Trên bàn thờ này, trong khái niệm Phật giáo Màhayàna (Phật Giáo Đại Thừa), xuất hiện ba bức tượng đại diện cho Quá khứ (Quá Khứ), Hiện tại (Hiện tại) và Tương lai (Vị Lai), mỗi bức tượng ngồi trên một tòa sen.

Trên bệ thứ hai, được đặt thấp hơn bệ thứ nhất một chút, là ba bức tượng được gọi là ba hiện hữu, với Đức Phật A Di Đà (Phật A Di Đà) ở giữa, Bồ Tát Quán Thế Âm ở bên trái (Bồ Tát Quan Âm) và Bồ Tát Đại Thế Chí ở bên phải (Bồ Tát Đại Thế Chí). Nhìn chung, Đức Phật A Di Đà có vóc dáng uy nghi hơn hai vị kia. Sự hiện diện của Ngài chứng minh tầm quan trọng của người Việt đối với sự tồn tại của Tịnh Độ trong Phật giáo. Niềm tin này rất phổ biến trong người Việt Nam vì theo họ, có cõi Tây Phương Cực Lạc (Sukhàvati hay Tây Phương Cực Lạc) do Đức Phật Vô Lượng Quang (Amitabha) chủ trì và là nơi dẫn dắt linh hồn người chết. Bằng cách gọi tên ngài, tín đồ có thể đến được cõi này nhờ lời cầu xin ân sủng từ Bồ Tát Quán Thế Âm làm người cầu thay. Theo nhà nghiên cứu Việt Nam Nguyễn Thế Anh, chính nhà sư Thảo Đường được vua Lý Thánh Tôn đưa về nước trong chuyến viễn chinh sang Chiêm Thành (Đồng Dương), người đã đề xuất quá trình giác ngộ này bằng trực giác và làm tê liệt tâm trí bằng cách niệm danh hiệu Đức Phật. Đây cũng là lý do tại sao Phật tử Việt Nam thường nói A Di Đà (Amitabha) thay vì từ « xin chào » khi gặp nhau. 

Sơ đồ bố trí nội thất của chùa chữ Công

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 Cuối cùng, trên bệ cuối cùng, thấp hơn và rộng hơn hai bệ kia, là tượng Phật Thích Ca Mâu Ni, Đức Phật của Hiện Tại, và hai vị đại đệ tử của ngài: Đại Ca Diếp (Kasyapa) và Tôn Giả A Nan (Ananda). Ở một số chùa, có bệ thứ tư mô tả Đức Phật của Tương Lai, Di Lặc, bên phải là Bồ Tát Phổ Hiền Bồ Tát, biểu tượng của sự thực hành, và bên trái là Bồ Tát Văn Thù Sư Lợi, biểu tượng của trí tuệ. Số lượng tượng được trưng bày trên các bệ thờ khác nhau tùy thuộc vào danh tiếng của ngôi chùa. Phần lớn là nhờ vào sự cúng dường của các tín đồ. Đó là trường hợp chùa Mía có 287 bức tượng, chùa Trăm Gian (Hà Tây) có 153 bức tượng, v.v.Hàng cuối cùng của chùa (hay hậu đường) tương ứng với gian sau và có tính chất đa chức năng. Một số chùa dành nơi này làm nơi ở của người tu hành (tăng đường). Một số chùa khác lại dùng làm nơi thờ cúng các bậc hiền tài, anh hùng như Mạc Đĩnh Chi (chùa Dâu) hay Đặng Tiến Đông (chùa Trăm Gian, Hà Tây). Chính vì vậy mà chúng ta thường nói: tiền Phật hậu Thần (trước Phật, sau Thần). Đây là mô hình ngược lại mà chúng ta thường thấy ở đình chùa: Tiền Thần, Hậu Phật. (trước Phật, sau Phật). Đôi khi có gác chuông hoặc lầu Manes dành cho người đã khuất. 

Đôi khi, một căn phòng hoặc bàn thờ được dành riêng cho những người đã đầu tư nhiều tiền vào việc xây dựng hoặc bảo trì chùa. Hầu hết những người cúng dường là phụ nữ, những người có ảnh hưởng đáng kể đến các vấn đề của nhà nước. Đây là trường hợp của công chúa Mía, một trong những phi tần của Chúa Trịnh. Một bàn thờ gần với bàn thờ của Đức Phật đã được dành riêng cho bà tại chùa Mía. Trong chùa Bút Tháp, có một phòng dành riêng để tôn kính những người cúng dường nữ như hoàng hậu Trịnh Thị Ngọc Cúc, các công chúa Lê Thị Ngọc Duyên và Trịnh Thị Ngọc Cơ. Đây là những người đã đóng góp tài chính cho việc xây dựng ngôi chùa này vào thế kỷ 17.

 Phía sau chùa, người ta có thể tìm thấy một khu vườn với các bảo tháp hoặc một ao súng. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Phát Tích, với sân sau có 32 bảo tháp với kích thước khác nhau trong vườn. Hình dạng của chữ Đinh (丁) đôi khi được tìm thấy trong bố cục bên trong của chùa Việt Nam. Đây là dấu hiệu thứ tư của chu kỳ thập phân được sử dụng trong lịch Trung Quốc. Đây là trường hợp của chùa Nhất Trụ do vua Việt Nam Lê Đại Hành xây dựng tại Hoa Lư (Ninh Bình), cố đô của Việt Nam, và chùa Phúc Lâm (Tuyên Quang) được xây dựng dưới thời nhà Trần (thế kỷ 13-14).

Chữ mà hầu hết các ngôi chùa Việt Nam thường sử dụng trong thiết kế nội thất là chữ Công (工). Bên cạnh các dãy chính được thiết kế tỉ mỉ bên trong chùa, còn có hai hành lang dài nối tiền đường với hậu đường. Điều này tạo thành một khung hình chữ nhật, bao quanh các dãy chính đã được đề cập trước đó trong chữ Tam. Cách sắp xếp này trông giống chữ Công bên trong chùa, nhưng nhìn từ bên ngoài lại giống chữ Quốc (国), với khung được hoàn thiện bởi hai hành lang dài.

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Palais Kiến Trung (VA)

j050807 Art, Gallery, Histoire, Lịch sử, Vietnam

Kiến Trung Palace

 

Version vietnamienne
Version française

Located at the northern end of the sacred axis crossing the center of the Purple Forbidden City, the Kiến Trung Palace is an architectural work built by King Khải Định between 1921 and 1923. It is also the first building where there is a combination of European style, including both French architecture and Italian Renaissance architecture, and traditional Vietnamese architecture. The facade of this palace is richly decorated with colorful ceramic motifs and fragments, thus bearing the imprint of the identity of the royal court of the Nguyễn dynasty. On the advice of several French architects and engineers and the Ministry of Public Works, this palace, responding to the aesthetic taste of the time, was completed in just two years, from 1921 to 1923, on the former site where two other architectural works previously known successively as Minh Viễn Lâu (1827) and Du Cửu Lâu (1913) had stood. According to the Hue Monuments Conservation Center, it has been known as Kiến Trung (Kiến « erected » and Trung « straight, no deformation« ).

This palace was considered the residence of the last two kings of the Nguyễn dynasty: Khải Định and Bảo Đại. It was here that King Khai Dinh passed away on November 6, 1925. During the reign of King Bảo Đại, the palace and its interior were renovated in a Western style, including the bathroom. It was also in this palace that Queen Nam Phương gave birth to the crown prince Bảo Long (January 4, 1936). During the Vietnam War, this palace was completely destroyed along with other residences of the Forbidden City. Since 2013, the Huế Monuments Conservation Center has begun launching the restoration project of the Kiến Trung palace. This project was implemented from February 2019 and completed in August 2023 with a total cost of more than 123 billion đồng.

Today, the Kiến Trung palace has become the favorite place for all tourists when visiting the Forbidden Purple City.

Kiến Trung Palace is visible through the long

Trường Lang Corridor

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The Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu)

j050807 Art, Histoire, Lịch sử, Sites touristiques, Văn Hóa, Vietnam

 

Temple of littérature 

One of the jewels in the heart of Hanoi

 (Một bảo vật giữa lòng thủ đô)

Version française

Hiền tài là nguyên khí của quốc gia.
Nguyên khí thịnh thì thế nước mạnh.
Nguyên khí suy thì nước yếu

Talent is the life source of a nation.
A gushing source is the strength of a country.
A drying source weakens it.

The first National University of Vietnam, Quốc Tử Giám, celebrated its 940th anniversary in 2016. It can boast of having preceded by a good century the ancient and prestigious Western universities of Bologna, Oxford, and Paris. Built six years after the Văn Miếu, the Temple of Literature dedicated to Confucius, within the same enclosure, it is among the monuments of the capital that have survived ten centuries of turmoil, civil wars, and foreign invasions. It is contemporary with the Trấn Quốc, Một Cột, and Kim Lien pagodas. The imposing and well-preserved architectural complex in the heart of Hanoi contains very old parts that bear the color of time and the values of a past as rich as it is little known.

Consolidation of the Vietnamese nation

It was in 1076 that the College of the Sons of the Nation, Quốc Tử Giám, was created by King Lý Nhân Tông, of the great Later Lý dynasty. Since the reconquest of independence in 939, the task facing the Vietnamese sovereigns was immense and arduous. The previous dynasties of Ngô, Ðinh, and Earlier Lê had exhausted themselves in internal divisions and wars of conquest at the beginning of the victorious march southward. At the beginning of the 11th century, Vietnam, then renamed Đại Việt, was a nation of original ancient culture in a young state.

Inside still poorly established borders in the South, it remained necessary to strengthen national unity and to overcome the rivalries of great families that threatened to tear the country apart. Outside, it was necessary to maintain good vassal relations with the powerful Chinese neighbor. The Lý showed themselves capable of meeting these challenges. The construction of dikes to address the flooding of the Red River allowed the population to settle and favored the growth of agriculture.

The buying and selling of land were regulated, which led to the emergence of a class of small landowners alongside the great feudal lords. Crafts developed (weaving, goldsmithing, pottery, porcelain), and consequently, trade. On the advice of competent Confucian administrators, the Lý managed to establish a strong centralized government and were able to give legitimacy to the ruling elite. Inspired by the Chinese administrative model, King Lý Nhân Tông organized in 1075 the first examination to recruit mandarins who would exercise power. The following year, he added to the Văn Miếu a higher school to train senior officials, the Quốc Tử Giám. The educational institution, in this tolerant country, existed peacefully right next to the place of worship. Combining a temple dedicated to Confucius and a place of learning into a single complex, this construction is a unique work that highlights the originality of Vietnam compared to China.

Rise of a National Culture

During almost ten centuries of Chinese colonization, the Vietnamese had preserved their cultural originality and assimilated a large part of Chinese culture. The College of the Sons of the Nation therefore spread Confucian humanities: Confucian classics, philosophy, literature, history, and politics. Brilliant candidates memorized the Four Books of Confucianism, but also the history of Vietnam and China. They also studied the rules of poetic composition, learning to prepare all sorts of documents: royal edicts, speeches, mission reports, analyses, essays. The language in use was certainly Chinese or hán; however, the Vietnamese very early on, probably from the 12th century, used a special iconographic script, nôm, to transcribe the popular national language, kinh.

Under Chinese rule, the Vietnamese had learned just what was necessary to become good servants. Until the tenth century, there is no trace of Vietnamese literature. Only legends may have crystallized the collective memory, prevented from freely expressing itself under the pressure of the occupier. The nôm script, derived from Chinese ideographic writing, represented a national and popular reaction to foreign cultural domination. « The soul of a people lives in its language, » said Goethe.

This is an obvious fact in Vietnam. The language transcribed in nôm experienced vigorous growth whenever the national and popular movement gained momentum. After the great Nguyễn Trãi in the 14th century wrote his poems in nôm, the demotic script gained its nobility and no scholar disdained writing in nôm. Another great Vietnamese figure, Nguyễn Huệ, carried out a true revolution by imposing nôm as the official language in administration and mandarin examinations during his reign at the end of the 18th century.

The royal examinations gave a decisive boost to education throughout the country. The National University became for a long time the keystone of the educational system. Schools were established to prepare candidates for the mandarin examinations.

Alongside the large feudal estates existed a well-organized system of rural communes. In many of them, there was a private school alongside public schools, both at the national, provincial, and local levels. The teachers were educated men who had failed the exams, or holders of a baccalaureate, a license, and doctoral laureates who did not want to become mandarins or who were disillusioned with politics. The prestige of knowledge, the respect for teachers and talent had spread over the centuries even into the poorest peasantry.

Which mother did not dream of seeing her sons one day take the difficult exams? The popular saying was deeply ingrained in people’s minds: « Without a teacher, I challenge you to achieve anything. » Literature and public service were not separate in the traditional Vietnamese educational system. Poets contributed to the economic life of their country. Among the most brilliant statesmen and strategists, many were poets. The most famous among them, revered as heroes by the entire population, were:

Trần Hưng Đạo (1213-1300), who triumphed over the Mongols by defeating Kublai Khan
Nguyễn Trãi (1380–1442), a great poet and statesman who ended a new Chinese occupation by the Ming.
Nguyễn Du, a diplomat under the Lê dynasty, who with his verse novel, the Kiều, brought the nôm script to perfection. The latter two are listed by UNESCO in the Pantheon of the Men of Culture of Humanity.
The obstacle-filled journey of a candidate for the royal exams.

Initially, the national exams were held irregularly, depending on the needs of the imperial administration. From 1434 until 1919, the date of the last session, they took place every three years.

When King Lê Thần Tông redefined the rules in the 14th century, the examination took place in two successive levels: regional, then national, each in four phases that could last several months in total. It was necessary to successfully pass each stage in order to qualify for the next. The final test was held at the imperial palace before the king, who personally examined the last group of future doctors.

Some figures provide an eloquent overview of the demands and importance of the royal competitions:

On average, 70,000 to 80,000 candidates competed in the regional competitions.

Between 450 and 6,000 candidates were selected from these to take part in the national exam in Hanoi. They settled for the duration of the tests on the university campus in the city center with their bamboo beds, brushes, and inkwells. In 1777, the National University and the Doctoral Quarter had become an impressive institution comprising 300 classrooms, a huge library, and a publishing house. This vast complex was destroyed by war in 1946. At the end of the final exam at the imperial palace, only 15 candidates were awarded the title of Doctor (tiến sĩ), with an average age of 32. Between 1076 and 1779, the date of the last session held in Thăng Long (Hanoi), 2,313 candidates received the title of Doctor.

1306 of them have their names and ranks engraved in Chinese characters on the 82 steles (41 on each side) in the third space of the Văn Miếu Quốc Tự Giám in Hanoi. These 82 steles preserve the memory of the laureates admitted between 1442 and 1779. It was King Lê Thánh Tông who took the initiative to pay tribute in this way to the great servants of the country. 116 national exams took place during this period, which means that 34 steles are missing, and the reasons why they were not erected or have disappeared are unknown. From 1802, with the reign of Gia Long, the triennial exams were held in Hué until their abolition in 1919. The Quốc Tự Giám became once again the Văn Miếu, Temple of Literature, but was preserved. The tradition of inscribing the Doctors of the Nation on the honor roll was also maintained.

In the Forbidden City of Hué, on the first floor of the Ngọ Môn Gate, their names are clearly mentioned on a large black marble tablet, along with their village and province of origin. The competency exams were coupled with a formidable physical challenge for those from the provinces. The journey to the capital was fraught with dangers. Coming from a distant province, the future graduates sometimes had to travel up to 300 km or more, bringing with them food, a tent, a narrow bamboo bed, and writing materials.

Along the way, they had to fear both highway bandits and attacks from tigers and snake bites. If they managed to overcome all these obstacles, most of them preferred to stay a few years on site to study, in order to ensure the best chances of success.

Popular imagery often depicted the triumphant return of doctors to their native village, announced by a procession of banners and pennants, palanquins, ceremonial objects, preceded by family and friends. Throughout the journey, drums sounded marking the arrival of the child of the country who brought back, along with the doctoral certificate issued by the king, glory to the entire village. The village was henceforth distinguished as « a land of literature (đất văn chương). »

Then the laureate did not fail to bow before the altar of the ancestors and Confucius, before inviting everyone to a sometimes ruinous banquet. During the second millennium B.C. of Vietnam’s history, the intellectual elite emerging from national competitions produced, alongside brilliant strategists, mathematicians, statesmen, philosophers, men of letters, its share of simple bureaucrats and corrupt mandarins. According to Confucian tradition, no woman had access to official education.

The patients were so numerous that Phú Doãn Hospital (the current German-Vietnamese hospital) was soon overwhelmed. It was set up within the grounds of the Văn Miếu Quốc Tử Giám, whose ramparts served as a barrier against contagion. The disease was brought under control thanks to a vaccine developed by Doctor Yersin and the dedication of the doctors. But the Temple was in such a state that the French authorities decided to transform it into a hospital. They began searching for a new location to build the new building.

Aware that he was attacking the Holy See of Vietnamese culture, the representative of the Governor-General of Indochina, Pasquier, first consulted a prominent scholar, and the latter’s conclusion was unequivocal: « Adverse circumstances have soiled the steles and make the people’s hearts bleed. The Nguyễn, by transferring the capital to Huế, respected the integrity of the Temple. If you want to move it, the population will revolt. » A few days later, the French Government allocated a sum of 20,000 piastres to restore the Temple to its original state.
At other times in its troubled history, the population of Hanoi had shown its attachment to this monument, a symbol of its intellectual curiosity, passion for study, and creativity, notably during the fratricidal wars between the Trịnh and the Nguyễn. Nevertheless, in its current state, the Temple of Literature occupies a smaller space than at its peak.

Toàn cảnh nội văn từ
Thử địa vi thủ, thiên thu cần tạo thương lưu phương

Overview of the literary content
Trying the geographical hand, a thousand years need to create a lasting fragrance

Of all the temples dedicated to literature, this one is the high place;
the scent of culture lingers there beyond millennia.

The Temple of Literature (Văn Miếu)

Chu Văn An

Ông tổ của các nhà nho nước Việt

Erection of the laureates’ steles

[RETURN]

Mausolée Tu Duc (Version vietnamienne)

j050807 Art, Culture, Histoire, tourisme, Vietnam

 

Khiêm Lăng (謙陵)

Version française

English version

Không giống như các lăng mộ hoàng gia khác của triều Nguyễn, lăng mộ của vua Tự Đức chủ yếu là nơi ẩn náu trong thời gian trị vì của ngài. Đây là lý do tại sao nó không chỉ chứa một cung điện sau này được chuyển đổi thành nơi thờ cúng sau khi ngài qua đời, mà còn có một nhà hát và hai gian nhỏ bằng gỗ đỏ xinh xắn (Du Khiêm và Xung Khiêm) nơi ngài thích ngồi để thư giãn và sáng tác thơ. Lăng mộ này, được xây dựng từ năm 1864 đến năm 1867 bởi ba nghìn binh lính và công nhân, có khoảng năm mươi tòa nhà được bao quanh bởi một bức tường đá và gạch dài 1.500 mét bao phủ diện tích 12 ha. Tự Đức lên ngôi vua vào thời điểm ông phải đối mặt không chỉ với sự phát triển của chủ nghĩa tư bản phương Tây mà còn cả tình trạng bất ổn nội bộ (Chiến tranh châu chấu do nhà thơ Cao Bá Quát lãnh đạo, việc anh trai ông là Hồng Bàng bị lật đổ vào thời điểm ông lên ngôi, vân vân). Để có thể nương tựa, ngài không ngần ngại ra lệnh xây dựng lăng mộ làm nơi nghỉ ngơi trong suốt cuộc đời và là nơi ở cho cuộc sống vĩnh hằng sau này của ngài.

Galerie des photos du mausolée Tự Đức

Trong lăng mộ này, đình Hoa Khiêm là công trình chính nơi vua làm việc, đình Lương Khiêm là nơi vua ở và ngủ. Hai ngôi mộ khác cũng nằm trong khuôn viên lăng mộ. Đó là mộ của hoàng hậu Lê Thiện Anh, vợ vua, và một trong ba người con nuôi của vua, vua Kiến Phúc.

Kiến trúc của lăng mộ này không chỉ phản ánh bản chất lãng mạn của nhà thơ-hoàng đế Tư Đức mà còn phản ánh sự tự do vốn còn  thấy thiếu trong các lăng mộ khác cho đến ngày nay. Không có gì ngạc nhiên khi lăng mộ này đã trở thành điểm đến yêu thích của hầu hết du khách nước ngoài và Việt Nam.

lang_tu_duc

 

 
 

Imperial Citadel of Thang Long (Hanoï)

j050807 Art, Histoire, Lịch sử, Sites touristiques, Vietnam

 

thang_long

Vietnamese version
Version française
Pictures gallery

Due to historical events, the imperial city of Thăng Long seems to fade over time in the collective memory of the Vietnamese, with its remnants hidden within the land of the ancient city of Hanoi. Vietnamese archaeologists had difficulty locating its site despite a series of archaeological excavations initiated at Quần Ngựa and in the geographical area of the Hồ Chí Minh mausoleum, etc., since 1970. It was only in 1998 that they succeeded in locating, in the geographical areas near Hậu Lâu adjacent to Hoàng Diệu street and Bắc Môn (the North Gate from the Nguyễn period), bases of stone pillars and columns with lotus motifs as well as other manufactured objects from the later Lê period. In 2000, they were allowed to carry out another excavation inside Ðoan Môn (the only gate of the forbidden city), which led to the discovery of the royal road (ngự đạo) from the Trần period. With other archaeological excavations undertaken from December 2002 until 2004 near No. 18 Hoàng Diệu street, other remnants dating back to the pre-Thăng Long era (before the 11th century) were found.

Thanks to the picks of Vietnamese archaeologists, the imperial city of Thăng Long is beginning to reveal its secrets and politics, administration, and culture over nearly thirteen centuries (under the successive dynasties of Lý, Trần, and later Lê). The architectural ruins (foundations, pillar bases, sections of royal brick roads, water drainage systems, wells, etc.) exposed in the imperial city of Thăng Long undoubtedly testify to the architectural complexity of the palaces of that era, whose existence has been confirmed by the discovery and presence of several types of high-quality ceramics with aesthetically sophisticated motifs, including ceramics from the Lê period bearing Chinese characters meaning Quan (official) or Kính (respectful) and motifs of five-clawed dragons and phoenixes.
Imperial city map

map_thang_long

These ceramics were reserved exclusively for kings and queens. Thanks to the archaeological excavation, the following conclusion was reached: the architectural remains from the Lý-Trần-Lê periods found had been stacked on the layer from the Chinese Zong Pinh-Đai La period (Tống Bình-Đai La) (7th-9th century).

This observation does not call into question the importance given until now to the Royal Edict (Chiếu dời đô) that the founder Lý Công Uẩn of the Lý dynasty, later known as Lý Thái Tổ, promulgated in the spring of 1010 (Canh Tuất) regarding the transfer of the capital. After eliminating the Vietnamese king Lê Long Ðĩnh of the earlier Lê dynasty (Tiền Lê), Lý Thái Tổ realized that after a few years of reign, Hoa Lư, the capital of Vietnam built in a mountainous region, was too difficult to access. It was impossible to ensure prosperity there and to secure the destiny of Vietnam (tính kế cho con cháu muôn vạn đời). The capital had to be transferred to Ðại La, the former capital of the proconsul of the Chinese Tang dynasty, Kao Pien (Cao Biền), during the period of Chinese domination.

Hoàng thành Thăng Long

This city could protect the population from floods and inundations with its fairly high and well-exposed terrain, but it was also a location corresponding to the favorable orientation of mountains and rivers and to the position of the coiled dragon and the sitting tiger. To avoid awakening popular unrest, he did not hesitate to resort to the credulity of his people, as would later be done by the advisor to the hero Lê Lợi, Nguyễn Trãi, in the liberation struggle against the Ming. He spread a rumor that he had seen a golden dragon emerge from Ðại La and fly into the sky in his dream.

That is why Đại La was called Thăng Long (The Rising Dragon). Like other kings, he could have imposed his will on his people by decree, but he preferred to submit to the will of Heaven and the aspirations of the people, deliberately using their superstition to accomplish a great work for an independent Vietnam. His reign was known as « Thuận Thiên » (Following the Will of Heaven).

 

Orphaned, raised in a pagoda, and educated from a young age by the learned monk Vạn Hạnh, growing up in his shadow, he soon became a great king of Vietnam because he was imbued with Buddhist thought during his reign. In him, one finds not only wisdom, dialogue, insight, and tolerance but also the undeniable will to contribute to the strengthening of the Vietnamese nation (a highly centralized administrative system, a fairly flexible tax regime, Buddhism accepted as the state religion, priority given to education, etc.). It was under him that Vietnam was recognized for the first time as the kingdom of Annam. The authors of the work « The Complete Historical Records of Đại Việt » (Ðại Việt Sử Ký toàn thư) continually praised the years of Lý Công Uẩn’s reign. His dynasty was later described by the Vietnamese historian Ngô Thì Sĩ as a dynasty of clemency (Triều Lý nhân Ái).
leaves

Decorative sheet attached to the tile

Thanks to Việt Sử lược (The Brief History of the Vietnamese State in the 14th Century), we know that in the plan of the imperial city of Thăng Long built in 1010 by King Lý Thái Tổ, there was in the middle of this city the Càn Nguyên palace, later called Thiên An and finally renamed Kinh Thiên (Audience Hall) by King Lê Thái Tổ. Around this palace, to the east, there was the Tập Hiền palace and the Phi Long gate; to the west, the Giảng Vũ palace and the Ðan Phượng gate; to the south, the Cao Ðiện palace and the Long Trì veranda with its corridors on both sides; and to the north, the Long An and Long Thụy palaces, not forgetting to mention to the west and east of these the Nhật Quang and Nguyệt Minh palaces. Additionally, there were the Hưng Thiên pagoda and the Sao Ngũ Phượng tower. In 1011, the Thái Thanh palace, the Vạn Tuế pagoda, and the Trần Phúc Buddhist library were constructed. (Việt Sử lược, translated and annotated by Trần Quốc Vượng pp 70-71).

Based on the plan of the imperial city from the Lê period, Vietnamese archaeologists have delineated this city as follows: the north around Phan Ðình Phùng street, the south located at Trần Phú street, the west beyond Ông Ích Khiêm street, and the east around Thuốc Bắc street. The area of this site is estimated to be about 140 hectares during the Lê period. However, it would be slightly smaller under the Lý and Trần dynasties. On the other hand, the Hanoi citadel does not exceed 100 hectares under the Nguyễn dynasty.

During archaeological excavations, several architectural materials decorated with extremely varied themes are found. The decorative motifs include lotuses, chrysanthemums, or heads of mythical animals with rough and fierce features during the Đại La period (7th – 9th century). Then, under the period of the Đinh and Early Lê dynasties (Tiền Lê), there are lotuses and pairs of mandarin ducks, and finally, under the Lý dynasty, through dragons, phoenixes, leaves, and flowers, the art of decoration reaches the peak of beauty and perfection. Despite maintaining the basic elements of decoration from the Lý dynasty, this art tends to regain its simplicity and solidity under the Trần dynasty. As for the Later Lê period, there is a significant change in the simplicity of tile and brick decoration, along with a batch of new themes added compared to the periods of the Lý and Trần dynasties.

The remains and manufactured objects found in the imperial city of Thăng Long undeniably bear witness to a national culture and local originality because, besides the dragon of the Lý dynasty with its well-decorated crest not found in Chinese dragon motifs, one can discover the roofs of buildings from the Lý-Trần period covered with tiles adorned either with decorative leaves or with figurines of dragons or phoenixes that are not commonly seen in the royal palaces of neighboring countries. It can be said without hesitation that this site is part of a cultural heritage of invaluable worth for Vietnam, particularly for the city of Hanoi.

Listed as a World Cultural Heritage site, the imperial city of Thăng Long has become today a must-visit site when one has the opportunity to visit the capital, Hanoi.

 

Photos gallery of imperial city  Thăng Long

 

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Bibliographic references:

Hoàng Thành Thăng Long.
Thăng Long imperial citadel.
Nhà Xuất Bản Thông Tin
Hànội 2006
The Culturel Information Publishing House
 

The Nùng (English version)

j050807 Chine, Culture, Traditions, Văn Hóa, Vietnam

The Nùng

Vietnamese version

French version

The Nùng are part of the Tày-Thái group of the Austro-Asiatic ethnolinguistic family. According to foreign ethnologists, they are related to the Tày of Vietnam and the Zhuang or Choang (dân tộc Tráng) of China. Although the Tày and the Nùng speak their respective languages, they manage to understand each other perfectly. Their languages differ slightly in phonetics but are similar in vocabulary use and grammar. The Tày were present at the end of the first millennium BC.

This is not the case for the Nùng. Their settlement in Vietnam dates back to only about 300 years ago. However, their presence in southern China (Kouang Si (Quảng Tây), Kouang Tong (Quảng Ðông), Yunnan (Vân Nam), Guizhou (Qúi Châu), and Hunan (Hồ Nam)) is not very recent. They were also one of the ethnic groups of the Austro-Asiatic Bai Yue or Hundred Yue (Bách Việt) group. Also known under the name Tây Âu (Si Ngeou or Âu Việt) at a certain time, they played a major role in the founding of the second kingdom of Vietnam, the Âu Lạc kingdom of An Dương Vương, but they also engaged in relentless struggle against the Chinese expansion led by Emperor Qin Shi Huang Di (Tần Thủy Hoàng) with the Luo Yue (the Proto-Vietnamese). They also participated in the uprising of the two Vietnamese heroines Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị in the reconquest of independence under the Han dynasty.

They continue to preserve to this day many memories and legends about these two heroines in Kouang Si.

At a certain distant time, the Nùng were considered a branch of the Luo Yue living in the mountains before being definitively given the name « Choang » because they are closer to the Tày and the Thais than to the Vietnamese in terms of social organization and language. By calling themselves Cần Slửa Ðăm (people with black clothes) (người mặc áo đen), they claim to be different from the Tày, who are known as Cần Slửa Khao (people with white clothes) (người mặc áo trắng). Despite their clothes being the same indigo color, both peoples do not dress in the same way. This observation was noted by the Vietnamese writer Hữu Ngọc Hoàng Nam, author of the first monographic essay on the Nùng in Vietnam, who highlighted an important remark about the meaning of the words Đăm and Khao. For him, these allow the identification and distinction of subgroup membership within the Tày-Thai linguistic group through differences in clothing colors, dialects, and customs. Those belonging to Đăm (black or Đen in Vietnamese) include the Nùng, Black Thái, Thái, Black Hmongs, Black Lolo, etc., and those belonging to Khao (white or trắng in Vietnamese) include the Tày, White Thái, Lao (or Dao), White Lolo, White Hmongs, etc.

This remark does not convince the Vietnamese linguist Hoàng Mai, who comes from the Tày people, because for the latter, the Tày, despite belonging to the « Khao or White » group, always wear black clothes. Moreover, the word Slửa is not simply a word designating everyday clothing but is somewhat Áo hồn (Slửa Khoăn) because among the Thais, the Tày, and the Nùng, a garment symbolically represents the living soul of each individual. This was reported by the Vietnamese ethnologist Cầm Trọng in his article entitled « The Participation of Thai Culture in the Formation and Evolution of Vietnamese Culture » (International Conference on Thai Studies (1984/08/22-24; Bangkok).

Relying on this strong argument, he was led to conclude that the word pair Đăm – Khao (Black-White) should rather belong to the domain of spiritual culture because it is used to trace back the origin of subgroups within the Tày-Thái ethnic group, just as among the Vietnamese it is customary to evoke the word pair Rồng-Nước represented respectively by Lạc Long Quân and Âu Cơ to trace their origin.

The Nùng are divided into several subgroups known under different names: Nùng Inh, Nùng, Dính, Nùng An, Nùng Phàn Sinh, Nùng Cháo, etc. These names originate from the migration of the Nùng coming from the provinces of Kouang Si and Kouang Tong in China. In Vietnam, the Nùng are located in mountainous regions, deep forests, or valleys with altitudes not exceeding 300 meters above sea level. They often live mixed with the Tày in the provinces of the Upper Region. But their concentration is higher in Lạng Sơn (43% of the province’s population) and in Cao Bằng (32%). Most Nùng live in stilt houses, but there is still a small minority who prefer to live in houses at ground level with rammed earth or unfired brick walls.

Before building the house, the owner must carefully examine the horoscope of their age to find a favorable year for construction. Sometimes it is necessary to wait at least 2 or 3 years to find it. Their presence is essential at the time of clearing the construction site, establishing the foundation and columns, and setting up the roof.

The orientation of the house is one of the important criteria that the owner cannot neglect because it could be responsible for all misfortunes for him and his family. It is customary to say in the Nùng language: đảy kim dòm mò mả, thong thả dòm tì lườn. (Success in business comes from ancestral tombs. We are safe thanks to the land and the orientation of the house).

Demographically, they are ranked 7th among the 54 ethnic groups in Vietnam. In their history, the Nùng also have the legend of Báo luông Slao Cải. It is the story of the benevolent giant who cleared the land and taught them how to grow rice, corn, cotton, and everything they needed. The Nùng are accustomed to wearing fairly simple clothing, without embroidery or patterns. These are made from coarse indigo-colored fabrics. This color harmonizes with nature in the green environment of the forest. Their clothing can vary from light to dark shades of indigo. This variation depends on the preference of each Nùng group. Indigo remains the symbol of loyalty, as told by a Nùng legend:

There was a poor orphan living in a hut at the edge of the forest. One fine morning, a young beggar appeared at her door and asked for food. Being so poor, she could not offer him any. She had to go to the market to sell her beautiful hair and bought food for him. From that day, they became husband and wife. Because of the war, he was forcibly enlisted and never returned. Tired of not receiving any news, she set out to look for him and died along the way. She transformed into an indigo plant whose leaves provide indigo, a color that is everlasting and synonymous with loyalty through the ages.

In the traditional costume of Nùng women, there is the turban scarf, the jacket, and the pants. Generally speaking, regardless of the Nùng group, there is always a square turban, a five-panel jacket buttoned under the right armpit and extending down below the hip, and loose pants called chân què (*) whose upper edges are folded over with a turned belt. Depending on the Nùng group, there are slight modifications to the jacket. This is the case for the Nùng In and Phàn Slình groups, whose women wear jackets with sleeves and button bands decorated with black pieces. However, for the Phàn Slình Cúm Cọt group, the jackets are shorter than those of the other groups and are accompanied by red fringes around the neck. Only the details differentiate these groups. On the other hand, Tày women wear long dresses reaching the calf with fairly tight sleeves. Regarding the pants, most Nùng women wear classic loose chân què pants, except those from the Nùng Dính group who are accustomed to wearing skirts with belts adorned with 12 colored pieces symbolizing the twelve months of the year.

Their jewelry is made of silver because, in their ancestral traditions, it protects them against harmful winds that affect their health. Besides the aesthetic beauty that this metal can provide, it is always considered a thermometer in assessing seasonal epidemics. Nùng women and men are accustomed to wearing necklaces, bracelets, and rings. Additionally, Nùng women’s adornments include earrings and chains around their waists.

As for Nùng men, their trousers are of the same style as those of their women. Their jacket, with a stand-up collar about 2 cm high, is open at the front and adorned with 7 fabric buttons and 4 pockets. The Nùng have several Tết celebrations throughout the year, but the lunar Tết remains their major festival. This is celebrated with great pomp and marked by the presence of a large number of delicious dishes in each family to bid farewell to the old year.

The Nùng customarily eat a duck because it helps to get rid of the bad luck they had during the old year and brings them good fortune with the new year. On the eve of the new lunar Tết, the Nùng woman must fetch water from the well with a bucket. Then she boils it to make good tea before offering it to the ancestors. As for the Nùng husband, he must visit the temple to make offerings. There are many prohibitions that must be respected during the first days of the lunar new year:

Cúng hỉ phát sò (Wishing happiness and prosperity)
I send you my best wishes for happiness and prosperity

Bươn chiêng pi mấu (The first month of the new year)
for the month of February of the new year

Hét lăng tú lì (Anything is allowed)
You will be permitted to accomplish your achievements

Chi lăng tú đẩy a (May all wishes come true)
and to realize all your wishes

Nùng women are not allowed to wash clothes on New Year’s Eve. Chickens cannot be killed. Oxen and buffaloes must not be mistreated. Bowls must not be broken and cleaning should not be done.

On the second day, chickens may be slaughtered to offer to the ancestors and spirits. Visits to relatives, especially to the maternal family (Bên ngoại), are permitted. Children will receive money that adults customarily give them in small envelopes known as « bao lì xì.« 

From the third day, in each village, the Nùng organize a popular festival called « Hội Lùng Tùng » (descent to the fields), often held on the land in front of their communal house. The participation of each family is visible with an offering tray. The presence of a shaman is essential because he is supposed to perform the rites to gain the favor of Heaven for agricultural activities and better harvests and to protect people from diseases. Besides the ritual ceremony, there are also folk games: lion dances, cloth ball throwing (chơi ném còn), tug of war (kéo co), spinning top launching, shuttlecock kicking, etc. It is also an occasion for girls and boys to get to know each other by forming groups for alternating songs, and slì exchanges between two young girls and two young boys.
Lion dance
Similar to other ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia, the Nùng are animists. They believe that there is a soul that animates not only living beings but also plants, stones, etc. That is why their worship includes a large number of spirits: forest spirit, earth spirit, mountain spirit, river and stream spirits, tutelary spirit, childhood spirit (Mụ Mẹ Hoa), etc.

Similar to other ethnic minorities in Southeast Asia, the Nùng are animists. They believe that there is a soul that animates not only living beings but also plants, stones etc. That is why in their worship we see a large number of spirits: spirit of the forest, spirit of the soil, spirit of the mountains, spirit of the rivers and streams, tutelary spirit, spirit of childhood (Mụ Mẹ Hoa), etc.

But the most important worship remains the ancestor worship. Each Nùng household has an altar always placed in a left compartment. This is a sacred place. At the center of this altar is a wall ancestral tablet (or a bài vị) bearing parallel sentences and Chinese characters recording the lineage of the ancestors. Generally speaking, the head of the family plays an important role in all respects.

Being both father and husband, he is the only one who can arbitrate all family problems, especially the division of property. This will be done upon the death of the parents or when one of the married children, who had been living under the same roof, separates. Only boys can claim this division. The eldest brother will then receive a significant share because he will be responsible for living with the parents. However, there is an exception for the Nùng Dín Hoàng Sa Phì group (Hà Giang). It is the youngest child of the family who will inherit a significant share of the property because he will be the last to marry and will have the responsibility to accompany the parents until the end of their lives.

In case the family has no sons, the property goes to the son-in-law who is obliged to change his name and who is now responsible for maintaining his wife’s ancestral altar. There are many taboos that the young bride is supposed to know when she lives under her husband’s family roof. She cannot pass in front of the ancestral altar. She is not allowed to sit in the reception area reserved for visitors. She cannot enter the place where her father-in-law sleeps or stay at the same table with him. In the absence of her husband, it is forbidden for her father-in-law to give her anything or to enter her room. The father-in-law cannot accompany his daughter-in-law. He is not allowed to work together with his daughter-in-law in the same rice field. The same prohibitions are found in the relationship between the son-in-law and his mother-in-law.

Similar to the Mường, the Nùng need to consult the horoscope of the bride and groom to avoid problems of age incompatibility. The decision to start the marriage or not belongs to the parents based on the equality of social and family conditions of the two families. For boys, the selection criteria remain the same as in other ethnic groups: hard work, strength, aptitude for hunting and agriculture. For girls, people are accustomed to seeking their profile through certain well-known Nùng sayings:

Nả hang khàng suổi phịn siêng (con gái mặt vuông chữ điền trông như tiên)

The girl with a square, well-defined face looks like a fairy.

or

Kiêu sải bố thưng tum , mì cua tẻ sè lùm sèo móp
Gót chân không chạm đất khổ suốt đời

The heel not touching the ground is a sign of a hard life.

Sometimes judgment is based on observing the family of the young bride. This is found in the following Nùng saying:

Chiếu khẩu lệ chiếu phàng, Chiếu nàng lẽ chiếu mẻ
Muốn biết được lúa, nhìn vào gốc rạ. Muốn biết nàng dâu, nhìn vào người mẹ.

To know the quality of the rice plant, look at the roots. To know the young bride, observe her mother.

However, before marriage, girls and boys are free to love and understand each other during major festivals where they can participate in folk games or alternate singing slì songs. They can also take the opportunity to give each other certain souvenirs (baskets for cotton balls (hắp lì), baskets for thread balls (cóm lót), turbans for boys (cưn nả), combs (phooc phum), embroidered bags, etc.).

In the Nùng marriage, the matchmaker (male or female) remains an essential figure as they handle all the formal procedures and financial transactions between the two families. In most cases, the brother of the groom’s mother is appointed to this demanding role because he will later become the godfather of the bride along with his wife after the wedding. In financial transactions, the bride’s family tends to ask for more gifts because the bride’s value is considered greater based on the number of these gifts.

The marriage ritual has several stages, the most important of which is leading the bride to her husband’s house. She is required to lightly touch a tray of food placed at the entrance of the main door and then knock it over with her foot. Then, she must quickly cross the threshold of the door. This procedure is known as « Nghi lễ tách nhập ma (Procedure of detachment and union of ghosts). » From that moment on, she becomes a full member of her husband’s family both spiritually and materially. She will permanently join her husband’s house when she becomes pregnant or after six months of marriage.

Death

In the ancestral tradition of the Nùng, when there is a deceased in the family, all close relatives from the maternal side (or păang lăng) must be present before placing the deceased in the coffin. A shaman (thẩy tào) is also required, who is supposed to handle all the ritual procedures related to the funeral from A to Z.

He must begin the first important procedure Khay lò to clear the way and accompany the soul of the deceased to the other world because for the Nùng, the soul that escapes from a dead body continues to live. Married daughters and nieces must bring money trees as their contributions, and the close relatives from the maternal side a horse for their funeral offerings. For the Nùng, even after the burial, the soul continues to wander around the house. That is why an altar must be set up next to the place where the deceased used to sleep when still alive.

After one hundred days of burial, there will be a ceremony accompanied by a large number of delicious dishes (pork, chicken, and sticky rice (xôi)). Then it will be followed by another marking the end of mourning after three years.

Each Nùng group has its own way of celebrating this ending. The Nùng Lôi destroy a bamboo tube that they had previously left on the deceased’s altar by burning it, while the Nùng An make a large number of familiar animals (pigs, chickens, buffaloes, oxen) and farming tools using cut paper and place them in a pot that they bury under the location of the deceased’s grave. The Nùng see death only as the beginning of another life for the deceased. That is why they need these offerings to be able to lead a more pleasant life in the other world.

Birth

Similar to the Mường, there are many taboos surrounding the birth of a child. The child needs to be protected by the goddess of childhood, whose altar will be set up in the house. Besides the celebration of the child’s first month, some Nùng groups also hold a ceremony to give a name to the child when they reach adulthood.

Similar to the Vietnamese, the Nùng have a long history and a millennial culture. It was with them that the Vietnamese were part of the Hundred Yue. In the past, facing formidable northern adversaries, they tried to create their own state but were unable to achieve it. Their undeniable contribution to the foundation of the Âu Lạc kingdom of the Vietnamese cannot be denied. Their hero Nùng Trí Cao continues to hold a place in our history.

There is no reason not to make their history and culture known to young Vietnamese because

The Nùng also have a significant share of responsibility in building the future of our Vietnam along with the other 52 ethnic groups.

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