The Mudras of Buddha (Thủ Ấn)


mudra_bouddha
French version
Vietnamese version
The symbolic gestures of Buddha icone_lotus

Depending on the manufacturing country of Buddha statue, the artist can represent it in a different way. By contrast, there is always some immutable ritual characters that he must observe scrupulously in the Buddhist statuary. This is the case of the position and gestures of the Buddha’s hands (mudras). Being limited in number, the latter, complemented by the body posture (asana), allows the faithful to benefit of the teaching and philosophy of Buddhism. One is accustomed to associate these symbolic gestures to the various episodes in the Buddha life (meditation under the Bodhi tree, taking the earth as witness, first predicate at Sarnath etc.).

Instead of Buddhist texts to whom a very few people have acces, these mudras in the iconographic representations of Buddha are genuine tools for religious transmission. The picture is more meaningful because it is based on simple gestures and readable by all in place of Buddhist texts which are sometimes incomprehensible. The mudras that are initially designed by the yogis and priests of the Vedic epoch in India will be retrieved and interpreted by Mahayana sects to become over time, one of the techniques of highly codified representation. They thus constitute a language extremely powerful because through a number of signs and symbols, this allows you to identify the sacred character, to define its rank and to evoke its qualities.

 

mudras

Thủ Ấn

This is the case of the divinities of Buddhist pantheon (Bodhisattvas, Amithâba etc. . ). That is what we also find in multiple practices having a religious character (dances, rituals, meditations etc ..) without forget to remind what we have also seen in the Christian iconography with its saints placed at the entrance of the Middle Ages cathedrals. Some important mudras are frequently encountered in the Buddhist iconography. Anhaya mudra 

Absence of fear mudra

(Ấn xúc địa)

Taking the earth as witness with his right hand

It is the Bhumiparsha-mudra. In this gesture, one sees that his right arm hangs down over the right knee while his left hand is raised in front of his belly on his legs in position of lotus. He took the earth as witness and he called Goddess of the earth Torani to his rescue. To kill the hordes of evil represented by Mara, this godhead provoked the waves by letting down her hair. This mudra announced the imminence of the awakening. At the end of this meditation, he will announce the Four Noble Truths (Tứ Diệu Đế): Dukka (suffering), Samudaya (insatiable hunger), Nirohda (extinction of suffering) and Marga Sacca ( Buddha way towards extinction) to achieve nirvana (final liberation).

Charity mudra  (Varada mudra)

Meditation mudra (Ấn thiền)

Buddha have been sitting with both hands in front of his belly, palms returned, on his legs crossed in lotus. It is the dhyana-mudra that is often found in zen school. This is the meditation period of Buddha under the tree of awakening (Bodhi) in Bihar.

Argument mudra (Ấn giáo hóa)

Sitting in position of lotus, Buddha maintains his right hand to the height of his shoulder, palm facing outward, the thumb and index finger touching and the other fingers being raised. This posture corresponds well to the discussion and argument.

Parallel sentences (Doanh thiếp)

 


Vietnamese version

French version

One of the charms of Vietnamese poetry lies in the usage of paralell sentences. Not only is found there the opposite of ideas or words used but also the relevance of the practice of parallelism. That is why parallel sentences constitute one of the major difficulties for novices but nevertheless they become one of the indisputable appeals for known Vietnamese poets such as Hồ Xuân Hương, Tự Ðức, Cao Bá Quát, Ðoàn Thị Ðiểm, Nguyễn Ðỉnh Chiễu etc… who had the opportunity to use them wisely. They have given us sentences showing their unprecedented talent and always serving as reference in the Vietnamese poetry.

Thanks to the contrast of the words or ideas in a verse or from stanza to stanza, the poet succeeded in stressing a reason or a crtitique and reinforcing the vigor of his thought. He composes these sentences based on prosodic rules established essentially on the alternation of equal (or bằng ) and oblique ( or trắc ) tones while leaning on the power of melodious and harmonious combinations of words used that are reinforced by the musicality of the Vietnamese language and the contrast of ideas.


Parallel sentences constitute a kind of intellectual pastime, an art that renowned poets found it hard to do without. They have succeeded in practicing this art with an astonishing ease and a remarkable ingenuity.

Parallel sentences reflect exactly what the poet saw and felt in his daily life. It is not surprising to see the Vietnamese’s infatuation of this subtle prosody for generations. It has become not only the pleasure of the people but also an efficient weapon against oppression, obscurantism and provocation.
Parallel sentences are a part of what every Vietnamese cannot miss on the occasion of Tết. The following two sentences:

Thịt mỡ, dưa hành câu đối đỏ,
Cây nêu, tràng pháo, bánh chưng xanh

Fatty meats, pickled shallots, red parallel sentences.
Tet poles, firecracker strings, green sweet rice cakes.

witness to the familiarity and profound attachment that the Vietnamese love to reserve to this popular prosody during the new year time. Rich or poor, poet or not, everyone try to have these sentences hung at the entrance to their homes. They compose them themselves or have them composed by learned people who would write them to best express their personal aspirations.

Parallel sentences probably found their root in Chinese literature. They are known in Vietnamese as « Doanh Thiếp » ( manuscript hung on the housepost ). They comprise two parts that are called upper part ( vế trên ) and lower part ( vế dưới ). They are also called given statement ( vế ra ) and cross statement ( vế đối ) when one is composed by a person and the other by another. One finds some characteristics common to those two parts:

· The number of words must be the same;
· The content must be suitable at the level of significance when it comes to antithesis or parallelism of ideas.
· The form must be respected when it comes to contrast of words used (respect of placement order of nouns, adjectives and verbs, observance of opposition rules and registered sounds bằng and trắc).
In the example cited below,
Gia bần tri hiếu tử
Quốc loạn thức trung thần.
Poor homes discern their pious children
Troubled nation recognizes its loyal citizens.
It is noted that there is the same number of words used ( 5 in each part, 6 in English ), the parallelism of ideas and the strict observance of registered sounds bằng and trắc used in both parts. At the position of the bang tone (Bần) in the upper verse one finds the trac tone (Loạn) at the same place in the lower verse. Likewise, the remaining trac tones in the upper verse hiếu and tử are respectively crossed by the two bằng tones trung and thần in the lower verse.

Parallel sentences made up of one to three words for each of the parts are called little parallel sentences ( or tieu doi in Vietnamese ). When they contain four to seven words and follow prosodic rules of poetry, they are called « poetic parallel sentences » ( câu đối thơ ). It is the case cited above. In the case of parallelism of ideas which is called doi xuoi in Vietnamese, no opposition of ideas is detected; on the contrary, the is an intimate relation between the two parts, which we find in the following sentences:

Vũ vô kiềm tỏa năng lưu khách
Sắc bất ba đào dị nịch nhân.
Rain though not restraining, is retaining
Feminine beauty being no big waves, can easily be drowning.
In the opposite case they are called đối ngược in Vietnamese. 

The parallelism of ideas is frequently used by poet Cao Bá Quát. There is an anecdote about him during the passage of emperor Minh Mạng in his village when he was still a young boy. Instead of hiding, he threw himself in a pond to take a bath. His absurd attitude caused him to be tied and brought before Minh Mạng under the exhausting sun. Minh Mang, who was surprised by his boldness and young age offered to free him at the only condition that he succeed in composing the appropiate cross sentence in response to the emperor’s given statement. Seeing a bigger fish chasing a smaller one in the pond, the emperor began to say:

Nước trong leo lẽo, cá đóp cá
In clear water, fish eating fish.
Without hesitation, Cao Bá Quát replied with astonishing ease:
Trời nắng chan chan, người trói người

Under scorching sun, man tying man.

Marveled by his promptness and unprecedented talent, the emperor was obliged to set him free. Cao Bá Quát, known for his independence, presumption and contempt of the mandarinal system, often stood up against challenges launched by his adversaries. One day, while participating in a talk on poetry hosted by a mandarin, he did not stop making fun of the mandarin when this one gave simplistic explanations to questions made by the public. Annoyed by his continuing provocation, the mandarin challenged him with the intention of punishing him immediately by asking him to give a cross sentence appropriate to the statement given by the mandarin himself:

Nhi tiểu sinh hà cứ đác lai, cảm thuyết Trình, Chu sự nghiệp
Mầy là gả học trò ở đâu đến mà dám nói đến sự nghiệp của Trương Công và Chu Công?

You little student coming from nowhere dare to critique the works of Trinh and Chu?
Without hesitation, he replied with impertinence:
Ngã quân tử kiên cơ nhi tác, dục ai Nghiêu Thuấn quân dân
Ta là bậc quân tử, thấy cơ mà dấy, muốn làm vua dân trở nên vua dân đời vua Nghiêu vua Thuấn.

I the gentleman taking opportunity for action want to turn king and subjects to those of Nghiêu and Thuấn.

In the old days parallel sentences constituted a favorite place where Chinese and Vietnamese loved to affront publicly. The cross statement of the learned Giang Văn Minh, anchored in the memory of a whole people and perpetuated for several generations

Ðằng giang tự cồ huyết do hồng.

The Ðằng River is from ancient time still red of blood .
continues to illustrate its infallible determination to the provocation of the Ming emperor with its following given statement:

Ðồng trụ chí kim đài dĩ lục

The Bronze Pole is up until now covered with green of moss

There are also anonymous poets who left us memorable parallel sentences. It is those found on the altar of Nguyễn Biểu at the Bình Hồ commune ( North Vietnam )
Năng diệm nhơn đầu năng diệm Phụ
Thượng tồn ngô thiệt thượng tôn Trần
Ăn được đầu người thì co’ thể ăn cả Trương Phụ
Còn lưỡi của ta thì còn nhà Trần

Capable of eating a human head is capable of eating Trương Phụ
Having still my tongue is having remain the dynasty of Trần.

Thanks to these two sentences, the anonymous poet wanted to render a vibrant homage to the national hero. He was drowned by the Chinese generalissimo Trương Phụ who had hosted a somptuous banquet in his honor. To intimidate Nguyen Bieu, Truong Phu did not hesitate to present him a plate on which sit the head of a decapitated adversary. Instead of being afraid of this presentation, Nguyen Bieu remained impassible, took the chopsticks, picked out the eyes and ate them savorily.

After the fall of Saigon in 1975, an anonymous composed the following parallel sentences:
Nam Kì Khởi Nghĩa tiêu Công Lý
Ðồng Khởi vùng lên mất Tự Do.

Nam Ki Uprising wiped out Justice
Ðồng Khởi Revolt took away Freedom

because the names of the bouvevards Công Lý and Tự Do were replaced by Nam Ki Khởi Nghĩa and Ðồng Khởi in this teeming city of the South.

By means of parallel sentences, the anonymous poet wanted to stress his caustic criticism with regard to the regime.
Taking advantage of the subtleness found in parallel sentences and of the figurative meaning of the Vietnamese language, Vietnamese politicians, emperor Duy Tân in particular, have often had the opportunity to probe and be ironical of their adversary.
Brooding on the idea of fomenting for a long time an insurrection against the colonial authorities, Duy Tân, taking advantage of a coastal excursion with his prime minister Nguyễn Hữu Bài at the beach of Cửa Tủng ( Quảng Trị ), requested of the latter a cross statement to his given sentence:

Ngồi trên nước không ngăn được nước
Trót buôn câu đã lỡ phải lần
Sitting on water, but one is incapable of retaining it
Throwing out the fishing line, yet we can only pull it back slowly
Since Nước also means country in Vietnamese, Duy Tân in his given statement wanted to express the idea that he was on top of the country, yet he could not govern it.

He also wanted to probe Nguyễn Hữu Bài’s political intention to see if the latter was with his opinion or paid by the French colonialists. Knowing the political conjuncture and being close to the colonial authorities, Nguyễn Hữu Bài preferred immobilism and a politics of dialogue in the following reply:

Ngẫm việc đời mà ngán cho đời
Liệu nhắm mắt đến đâu hay đó

Thinking of life, one becomes fed up with it
Closing our eyes, we will take whatever happens

To be ironical of his adversary, Ðặng Trần Thường, who had judged him wrong for being a partisan of emperor Quang Trung, with the following sentence:
Thế Chiến Quốc, thế Xuân Thu, gặp thời thế, thế thời phải thế
At the time of Chiến Quốc and Xuân Thu, whoever had the opportunity would grab it.

Ngô Thời Nhiệm succeeded in giving a perfect reply to the given statement by his adversary Ðặng Trần Thường, a partisan of emperor Gia Long.
Ai Công hầu, ai Khanh tướng, trên trần ai,
ai dễ biết ai
For the titles of Duke and Minister, who is who in society to know them.

He succeeded to show not only his bravery but also his contempt with regards to go-getters such as Ðặng Trần Thường. Annoyed by these vexing words, the latter ordered his subordinates to flog him to death in front of the temple of literature. Ngô Thời Nhiệm was not wrong to recall Ðặng Trần Thường of this remark because he was later condemned to death by emperor Gia Long.
Phú, it is the noun in Vietnamese attributed to parallel sentences having a large number of words or parts. It is the case of sentences used by Ngô Thời Nhiệm and Đặng Trần Thường. When they are made of several parts of sentences, three ( in the example cited above ) or more, in the middle of which is inserted a very short part, one calls them gối hạc ( the kneecap of the crane ) in Vietnamese because it looks like the two parts of the crane’s leg separated by the kneecap.

Parallel sentences become with the flow of time the true popular expression of the whole people in the permanent struggle against obscurantism and oppression. By giving the people the opportunity to show their character, temperament and soul, parallel sentences succeed in justifying

what novelist Staël has put:

By learning the prosody of a language, one intimately enters the spirit of the nation that speaks it. It is with parallel sentences that one can understand and feel better about Vietnam. One would then be closer to its people and culture.

Sentences parallèles (Doanh Thiếp)

Doanh thiếp

Version vietnamienne 

L’un des charmes de la poésie vietnamienne réside dans l’utilisation des sentences parallèles. On y trouve non seulement l’antithèse des significations  ou des mots employés mais aussi la pertinence dans  la pratique de ces sentences. C’est pourquoi les sentences parallèles constituent l’une des difficultés majeures pour les novices mais elles deviennent néanmoins l’un des attraits incontestables pour les poètes vietnamiens connus comme Hồ Xuân Hương, Tự Ðức, Cao Bá Quát, Ðoàn Thị Ðiểm, Nguyễn Ðình Chiễu etc …
Ceux-ci ont eu l’occasion de les utiliser savamment. Ils nous ont légué des sentences dignes de leur talent inouï et servant toujours de référence dans la poésie vietnamienne. Grâce à l’antinomie trouvée dans les  mots ou les significations à l’intérieur d’un vers ou de strophe en strophe, le poète réussit à faire ressortir une raison ou une critique et à renforcer la vigueur de sa pensée.  Les sentences sont composées  à partir des règles prosodiques établies essentiellement sur l’alternance des tons bằng et  trắc (1) tout en s’appuyant sur la puissance des combinaisons des mots utilisée  de manière harmonieuse et  accrue par l’extrême musicalité de la langue vietnamienne et sur l’antithèse des significations (ou d’idées) ou la cohérence et la mise en corrélation des significations.

Les sentences parallèles constituent en quelque sorte un passe-temps intellectuel, un art dont les poètes de grand renom ne peuvent pas se passer. Ces derniers ont réussi à l’exercer avec une facilité étonnante et une ingéniosité remarquable. Les sentences parallèles reflètent exactement ce que le poète a vu  et ressenti dans la vie quotidienne.

Rien n’est étonnant de voir l’engouement des Vietnamiens pour cette prosodie subtile  au fil des générations. Elle devient non seulement le plaisir du peuple mais aussi une arme aussi efficace contre l’obscurantisme,  l’oppression et la provocation.

Thịt mỡ, dưa hành câu đối đỏ,
Cây nêu, tràng pháo, bánh chưng xanh
Viande grasse, légumes salés, sentences parallèles rouges,
Mât du Tết, chapelets de pétards, gâteaux de riz du nouvel an.

Les sentences parallèles font partie de ce que chacun des Vietnamiens ne peut pas manquer à l’occasion de la fête du Tết. Elles témoignent de la familiarité et de l’attachement profond que le Vietnamien aime réserver à cette prosodie populaire lors du nouvel an. Riche ou pauvre, poète ou non, chacun tente d’avoir ces sentences pour les déposer devant  l’autel des ancêtres ou pour les accrocher à l’entrée de sa maison. Il les compose lui-même ou se procure auprès des lettrés celles qui formulent le mieux ses aspirations personnelles.

Les sentences parallèles trouvent probablement leur origine dans la littérature chinoise et sont connues en vietnamien sous le nom « Doanh thiếp (2) » . Elles comprennent deux vers: l’un est appelé le vers  supérieur (vế trên) et  l’autre le vers  inférieur (vế dưới). Le vers supérieur est le vers  composé et proposé par une personne souhaitant le commencement des sentences  tandis que le vers inférieur est  celui  qu’une autre personne  veut terminer pour la réplique.

On trouve quelques caractéristiques communes à ces deux vers: 

– Le nombre de mots doit y être le même.
– Le contenu doit y être convenable au niveau de la signification quand il s’agit de l’antithèse ou de la cohérence des idées.
– La forme doit y être respectée quand il s’agit de l’opposition totale des mots employés (respect de l’ordre de l’emplacement des mots, des adjectifs et des verbes, observation des règles d’opposition des registres sonores bằng et trắc).
Dans l’exemple cité ci-dessous,

Gia bần tri hiếu tử
Quốc loạn thức trung thần.

Nhà nghèo mới biết con hiếu thảo
Nước loạn mới biết rõ tôi trung
La famille pauvre discerne des enfants pieux
Le pays en désordre reconnaît des sujets fidèles.

on constate qu’il y a le même nombre de mots (5 mots dans chaque vers), le parallélisme des idées et l’observation stricte des registres sonores bằng et trắc employés dans les deux vers. A la place du ton bằng (nghèo) du vers supérieur on retrouve un ton trắc (loạn) au même emplacement dans le vers inférieur. De même, les tons trắc restants du vers supérieur hiếu et tử sont remplacés respectivement par les deux tons bằng trung et thần dans le vers inférieur.

Les sentences parallèles constituées de un à sept mots pour chacun des vers s’appellent des petites sentences parallèles (ou tiểu đối en vietnamien). Lorsqu’elles contiennent  plus de  sept mots et suivent les règles prosodiques de la poésie, on les désigne sous le nom de « sentences parallèles poétiques » (ou thi đối). C’est le cas de l’exemple cité ci-dessus. En cas du parallélisme d’idées, on les appelle  câu đối xuôi en vietnamien. Dans ce cas, aucune opposition d’idées n’y est décelée. Par contre, il y a une cohérence et une corrélation entre leurs deux vers, c’est ce qu’on trouve dans ces deux sentences suivantes:

Vũ vô kiềm tỏa năng lưu khách
Sắc bất ba đào dị nịch nhân.
Sans avoir la serrure à la porte, la pluie peut retenir celui qui est pressé de partir
Sans la possibilité de faire les vagues de la mer, la beauté d’une fille peut noyer celui qui s’en est épris.

Dans le cas contraire, on les appelle câu đối ngược en vietnamien. Dans ce type de sentences, l’antinomie de significations ou d’idées est visible dans les deux vers. C’est le cas de l’exemple suivant:

Hữu duyên thiên lý năng tương ngộ
Vô duyên đối diện bất tương phùng 
Có duyên dù ở xa ngàn dậm cũng có thể gặp nhau
Còn không có duyên  rồi dù ở có  đối mặt cũng không gặp được nhau.

Malgré plusieurs milliers de kilomètres de distance, on peut se rencontrer lorsqu’on a la chance.
En dépit de la proximité géographique, on ne peut pas se voir lorsqu’on n’a pas la chance.

Les sentences parallèles sont  employées fréquemment par le poète Cao Bá Quát. Il y a eu une anecdote sur lui lors du passage de l’empereur Minh Mạng dans son village quand il était encore un jeune garçon entêté. Au lieu de se cacher, il se jeta dans un étang pour prendre une baignade. Devant son attitude absurde, il fut ligoté et emmené devant Minh Mạng sous un soleil accablant.  Surpris par sa hardiesse et son jeune âge, celui-ci lui proposa de le libérer à condition qu’il réussît à composer une sentence appropriée répondant à celle émise par l’empereur. En voyant la poursuite engagée par le plus gros poisson sur le petit dans l’étang, l’empereur commença à dire:

Nước trong leo lẽo, cá đóp cá
L’eau étant tellement limpide, le grand happe le petit.

Sans hésitation, Cao Bá Quát répliqua avec une facilité étonnante:

Trời nắng chan chan, người trói người
Le soleil étant tellement accablant, le grand  ligote le petit.

Émerveillé par sa promptitude et par son talent inouï, l’empereur fut obligé de lui rendre la liberté. Cao Bá Quát, connu pour son indépendance, sa présomption et son mépris à l’égard du système mandarinal, était obligé de relever souvent le défi lancé par ses adversaires. Un beau jour, profitant de sa participation à un exposé organisé par un mandarin sur la poésie, il ne cessa pas de faire le clown lorsque ce dernier continua à donner des explications simplistes sur les questions posées par le public. Énervé par sa provocation continue, le mandarin fut obligé de le défier dans l’intention de le punir immédiatement en lui demandant de donner une sentence appropriée répondant à celle émise par lui-même :

Nhi tiểu sinh hà cứ đác lai, cảm thuyết Trình, Chu sự nghiệp
Mầy là gả học trò ở đâu đến mà dám nói đến sự nghiệp của Trương Công và Chu Công?

Étant un élève venant de quel coin, oses-tu citer les œuvres de Trương Công et Chu Công?

Sans hésitation, il lui répondit avec impertinence:

Ngã quân tử kiên cơ nhi tác, dục ai Nghiêu Thuấn quân dân
Ta là bậc quân tử, thấy cơ mà dấy, muốn làm vua dân trở nên vua dân đời vua Nghiêu vua Thuấn.

Etant un homme de ren (3), profitant des moments opportuns pour m’élever, puis-je devenir roi à l’image des rois Nghiêu et Thuấn?

Les sentences parallèles constituaient autrefois un lieu de prédilection où les Chinois et les Vietnamiens aimaient s’affronter publiquement. La sentence répondante du lettré Giang Văn Minh, ancrée dans la mémoire de tout un peuple et perpétuée depuis plusieurs générations :

Ðằng giang tự cổ huyết do hồng.
Le fleuve Bạch Ðằng continue à être teinté avec du sang rouge.
illustre bien sa détermination infaillible face à la provocation de l’empereur des Ming avec sa sentence émise suivante:

Ðồng trụ chí kim đài dĩ lục.
Le pilier en bronze continue à être envahi par la mousse verte.

Il y a aussi des poètes anonymes qui nous ont laissé des sentences parallèles mémorables. C’est celles qu’on a trouvées sur l’autel du héros national Nguyễn Biểu dans la commune Bình Hồ au Nord Vietnam.

Năng diệm nhơn đầu năng diệm Phụ
Thượng tồn ngô thiệt thượng tôn Trần
Ăn được đầu người thì có thể ăn cả Trương Phụ
Còn lưỡi của ta thì còn nhà Trần

En mangeant la tête humaine, on peut manger aussi Trương Phụ
En ayant encore la langue, je peux survivre autant que la dynastie des Trần.

Grâce à ses deux sentences, le poète anonyme a voulu rendre un vibrant hommage au héros national. Celui-ci fut noyé par le généralissime chinois Trương Phụ après que ce dernier avait organisé un banquet somptueux en son honneur. Pour intimider Nguyễn Biểu, Trương Phụ n’hésita pas à lui présenter un plat où on trouvait la tête décapitée d’un adversaire. Au lieu d’être effrayé par cette présentation, Nguyễn Biểu restant impassible, se servit des baguettes pour déloger les yeux et les mangea savoureusement.

Lors de la chute de Saigon en 1975, un anonyme a composé les deux sentences parallèles suivantes:

Nam Kì Khởi Nghĩa tiêu Công Lý
Ðồng Khởi vùng lên mất Tự Do.

Le soulèvement du Sud anéantit la justice
La révolte en marche fait périr la liberté

car les noms des boulevards Công Lý et Tự Do ont été remplacés respectivement par Nam Kì Khởi Nghĩa et Ðổng Khởi dans la ville bouillonnante du Sud. C’est par le biais de ces sentences que le poète anonyme a voulu mettre en relief sa critique acerbe à l’égard du régime.

Profitant de la subtilité trouvée dans les sentences parallèles et du sens figuré dans la langue vietnamienne, les hommes politiques vietnamiens, en particulier l’empereur Duy Tân, ont eu l’occasion de s’en servir souvent pour sonder ou ironiser sur l’adversaire. Caressé par l’idée de fomenter depuis longtemps une insurrection contre les autorités coloniales, Duy Tân, profitant de l’excursion maritime qu’il a effectuée avec le premier ministre Nguyễn Hữu Bài à la plage Cửa Tùng (Quảng Trị), proposa à ce dernier de lui donner une réplique appropriée à sa sentence émise:

Ngồi trên nước không ngăn được nước
Trót buôn câu đã lỡ phải lần
Etant assis sur l’eau, on est incapable de la retenir
En commettant l’erreur de jeter l’appât, on n’a plus la possibilité de le retirer.

À travers ces deux sentences, Duy Tân voulut connaître l’intention politique de son ministre Nguyễn Hữu Bài car le mot « nước » en vietnamien désigne à la fois l’eau et le pays. Il aimerait savoir si ce dernier était de son avis ou à la solde des colonialistes français. Connaissant la conjoncture politique et  étant un proche des autorités coloniales, Nguyễn Hữu Bài  préféra l’immobilisme et adopta une politique de concertation en donnant la réplique suivante:

Ngẫm việc đời mà ngán cho đời
Liệu nhắm mắt đến đâu hay đó
En réfléchissant mûrement sur la vie, on en est dégoûté.
En tentant de fermer les yeux, on n’a qu’à attendre le moment propice.

Étant chargé de juger le tort de Ngô Thời Nhiệm d’être le partisan de l’empereur Quang Trung,  Ðặng Trần Thường  l’a défié en émettant la sentence suivante:

Thế Chiến Quốc, thế Xuân Thu, gặp thời thế, thế thời phải thế, 
À l’époque des Royaumes Combattants ou des Printemps Automnes, quiconque rencontrant le moment opportun, en profite pour devenir celui qu’il est.

Ngô Thời Nhiệm a réussi à donner sa sentence répliquante avec ironie  à Ðặng Trần Thường, un  partisan de l’empereur Gia Long:

Ai Công hầu, ai Khanh tướng, trên trần ai, ai dễ biết ai
On est duc et marquis ou mandarin et ministre; quiconque vivant dans cette société, distingue facilement le rôle que chacun assume.

Il réussit à montrer non seulement sa bravoure mais aussi son mépris à l’égard des gens arrivistes comme Ðặng Trần Thường. Irrité par ces propos vexants, ce dernier donna l’ordre à ses subordonnés de le fouetter à mort devant le temple de la littérature. Ngô Thời Nhiệm n’a pas eu tort de rappeler à Ðặng Trần Thường cette remarque car il fut condamné à mort plus tard par l’empereur Gia Long.

Phu’, c’est le nom en vietnamien qu’on attribue aux sentences parallèles ayant un grand nombre  de membres de phrases. C’est le cas de l’exemple de sentences employées par Ngô Thời Nhiêm et Ðặng Trần Thường. Lorsque celles-ci comprennent trois ou plus (dans l’exemple cité ci-dessus) de membres, au milieu desquels on insère un membre très court, on les appelle sous le nom phú gối hạc (la rotule de la grue) en vietnamien car on trouve une ressemblance avec le schéma de la patte de la grue avec les deux membres longs séparés par la rotule.

Ces sentences parallèles deviennent au fil des années l’expression populaire véridique de tout un peuple en lutte permanente contre l’obscurantisme et l’oppression. En donnant à ce dernier l’occasion de montrer son caractère, son tempérament et son âme, elles réussissent à justifier ce que la romancière Staël a l’occasion de dire: En apprenant la prosodie d’une langue, on entre intimement dans l’esprit de la nation qui la parle. C’est avec ces sentences parallèles  qu’on peut comprendre et sentir mieux le Vietnam. On serait alors plus proche de son peuple et de sa culture.


(1) bằng deux accents: accent grave  et sans accents ; trắc: 4 accents: accent retombant, tilde, accent aigu et accent intensif.
(2) Doanh thiếp: manuscrit accroché au poteau de la maison.
(3) Être ren: c’est savoir faire régner bonne foi, tolérance, diligence et générosité. 

The Gongs of Central Highlands (Cồng Chiền Tây Nguyên) Last part

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Photo Đinh Xuân Dũng ( Nha Trang )

Intangible Heritage of Humanity by Unesco in 2005

Last part

In the ritual ceremonies, the players of gongs move slowly in single file or in half-circle in front of a public admirer. They left from right to left in the counterclockwise direction to go back in time and return to their origins. Their footsteps are slow and rhymed to the beats of gongs, each of which has a well-defined role in the set. Each gong corresponds exactly to a guitar string, each having a note, a particular tone. Whatever the melody played, there is the active participation of all the gongs in the procession. However, an order very precise in the sequence and composition of beats is imposed in order to respond to the melodies and own themes chosen by each ethnic group.

Sometimes, to better listen to the melody, the auditor has the interest to be into a location equidistant from all the players arranged in a half circle otherwise he cannot listen properly because of the weakness and amplification of the resonance of some gongs corresponding respectively to the distance or the excessive closeness of its geographical position relative to one another.

For most of ethnic groups, the set of gongs is reserved only for men. This is the case of the ethnic group Jarai, Edê, Bahnar, Sedang, Co Hu. By contrast, for the ethnic group Eđê Bih, women are allowed to use the gongs. In a general way, the gongs are of variable size. The disk of the major gongs may vary from 60 to 90 cm in diameter with a cylindrical edge from 8 to 10 cm. This does not allow the players to wear them because they are too heavy.

These gongs are suspended often to the beams in house by the ropes. However, there are the gongs more small whose disk varies from 30 to 40 cm with an edge from 6 to 7cm. The latter are frequently encountered in the festive rituals.

For the identification of highland gongs, the Vietnamese musicologist Trần Văn Khê has the opportunity to enumerate a number of characteristics in one of his articles:

  • 1°) They are very varied.
  • 2°) They are linked closely to the spiritual life of highland ethnic minorities. Being regarded as sacred instruments, they promote communication with spirits and geniuses.
  • 3°) They accompany the highland people from its birth until its death. Their presence is visible not only in the important events (weddings, funerals, wars etc. ..) but also in the agricultural feasts (paddy germination, ear intiation, feast of the agricultural close etc. . ).
  • 4°) The manner of playing the highland gong is very particular and reflects the family structure of each ethnic minority. This allows to easily identify the ethnic group in question by the played stamp melodies.
  • 5°) The movement of players is always performed in the counterclockwise direction in the purpose to go back in time and return to the source. It is identical to the approach used by the Zen Buddhist school in its walking meditation (thiền hành) oriented from « the outside to the heart » (từ ngoài vào tim).

The composition of the played melody is based primarily on the sequence of beats settled according to original processes of repetition and answer.

One doesn’t finds elsewhere as many gongs as one had them on the Highlands of Vietnam. That is why, during his visit in Vietnam, the ethnomusicologist Filipino José Maceda, accompagned by Vietnamese musician Tô Vũ, had the opportunity to emphasize that the highland gongs are very original when he was in contact with the gongs. For him, because of the large number of gongs found, it is possible the Highlands may be the gong cradle in Southeast Asia.

Over the years, the risk of seeing the « original » and « sacred » character is real because of the illicit trafficking of gongs, the lack of gong tuner, the disinterestednessof young people and the destruction of natural environment where the gongs have been « educated ».

Highlands Gongs

For a few years, being regarded as cultural goods, the gongs become the object of all desire for Vietnamese antique dealers and foreign collectors, which brings the local authorities to exercise strict control with the aim of stopping the haemorrhage of gongs (chảy máu cồng chiêng)

The governmental effort is also visible at the local level by the establishment of incentive programs for learning with young people. But according to some Vietnamese ethnomusicologists, this allows to make durable the gongs without giving to the latter the means to possess a soul, a sacred character, a ethnic sound color because they need not only the skillful hand and fine hearing of gong tuner but also the environment. This is the latter factor that one forgets to protect effectively during the last years. Because of the intensive deforestation and galloping industrialisation for the coming years, the ethnic minorities don’t have the opportunity to practice slash and burn agriculture. They will not have any occasion to honor the ritual festivals, their genius and their traditions. They no longer know to express sorrows and joys through the gongs. They don’t know their oral epics (sử thi). Their paddy fields are replaced by coffee and rubber plantations. Their children are no longer forest clearers but they are engaged to industrial and tourist activities, which allows them to have comfortable livelyhoods. Few now recall how to tune these gongs.

The character « sacred » of gongs no longer exists. The latter become instruments of entertainment like other music instruments. They can be used anywhere without significant events and very specific and sacred hours (giờ thiêng). They are played according to the tourism demand. They are no longer what they were until now.

It is for this irreparable loss that UNESCO has not hesitated to underline the urgency in the recognition of space of gong culture in the Central Highlands (Tây Nguyên) as the masterpiece of Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity on 25 November 2005. The gongs are only one essential element in the achievement of this masterpiece but it must be understood that other elements are as important as these gongs: the environment, the traditions and customs, the ethnic groups etc. ..

The gongs without their environment and their ethnic sound color no longer possess the sacred soul (hồn thiêng) of Central Highlands.They lose the original character for ever. There is always a price to pay in the preservation of the gong culture in Central Highlands but it is to the scope of our collective efforts and our political will. One cannot refute that the culture of the gongs in Highlands is part now of our cultural heritage.

[Back to page « Vietnam, land of 54 ethnies »]

 

 

The Gongs of Central Highlands (Cồng Chiền Tây Nguyên) Third part

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The culture of the gongs is localized in the 5 provinces of central Vietnam (Đắc Lắc, Pleiku, Kontum, Lâm Đồng and Đắk Nong). Some twenty ethnic groups (Bahnar, Sedang (Xơ Đăng), Mnongs, Cơ Ho, Rơ Mam, Êđê, Jarai (Giarai people), Radhes etc ..) are identified in the use of these gongs. According to illustrated Vietnamese musicologist Trần Văn Khê, in the other countries of Southeast Asia, the gong player always remains seated and can play several instruments associated at the same time. This is not the case of the gong players of Highlands in Vietnam. Each player may play a single gong. There are as many gongs than players in a set.

Thanks to a thin string or to a band of cloth that can be more or less tightened by torsion, each player suspends the gong to the left shoulder. He struck the central dome of the gong outer face either with a wooden or leather mallet or with his right fist barren or wrapped up in fabric.

The sound quality of the gong depends not only on the alloy with which the gong has been manufactured but also the tuner quality. Other parameters are involved: the wooden or leather mallet, the position and action of the hand striking the gong, the tension of the strap etc. . In addition, the player can modulate skillfully the effects of the gong sound by varying the pressure and the relaxation on the bent edge of the outer face with his left hand. The muting effect may be caused by this action. Each ethnic group prefer a type of wood in the manufacture of the mallet. By choosing the hard wood, the Êđê often obtain interference noise in the power of the gong resonance. By contrast, in selecting the soft wood, the Bahnar manage to obtain the « clarity » of its fundamental tone despite the weakness of intensity detected in the resonance.

At the time of the purchase, the gong is delivered to the « raw » state, without musical tone, character and soul. Its outer face is almost flat. It is similar to an object producing an audible signal. (Cái kẻng) Thanks to the strokes of wooden mallet and to fine hearing of the tuner, the gong receives small bumps and concentric circles on its border and on its inner and outer faces. The blow of the mallet given on its outer face increase its tone.

By contrast, the decrease of the resonance is visible inversely with its inner face. The gong tuner manages to give it a sound color, a particular musical note, which makes it now a musical instrument in its own right. According to the highland people, analogous to the man, the gong has a face, a character and a soul.  It is unlike any other gong.It is said that the gong is educated because from an object that is purchased with the « raw » state from the Kinh (or Vietnamese) (Quảng Nam), it receives an education, a note, an ethnicity, a sacred character. For the gong purchased in Laos, it already has a soul but it is a Laotian soul.

To transform it into a gong of the high plateaus, it must be educated by the blows of wooden mallet so that it knows as well the language Bahnar, Stieng, Edê, Mnong etc. .. It now has the sacred soul (hồn thiêng) of the high plateaus.

The latter does not disappear as long as there is still the environment where the gong is « educated » (the forest, the ethnic groups, the villages, the sources of water, the animals etc. .. ).  The sacred character of the gong can only be found in this natural environment which allows it to find its ethnic identity through the melodies varying from one village to another or from one ethnic group to another and the agrarian rites. The gong can produce a false note over the years of use. One says that it is « sick ».

It must be treated by bringing in a doctor (or a good musician tuner) that it is difficult to find sometimes on-site. It is necessary to travel several kilometers in other regions to succceed in finding him. Once readjusted the sound, it is said that the gong is healed.

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More reading (Tiếp theo)

 

The Gongs of Central Highlands (Cồng Chiền Tây Nguyên) Second part

 

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Second part.

This general attempted to break down all the stirrings of Vietnamese resistance by melting all bronze drums, symbol of their power in combat. Probably, in this destruction, there was also the Dongsonian gongs because they were in bronze. According to the director of the South Asia prehistory center (Hànội), Nguyễn Việt, the Dongsonian situla cover whose center is slightly swollen and adorned with a star, strangely resembles the gong embossed of the high plateaus. It also owns the handles with which one can use the ropes for wall hanging as a gong. Perhaps it is the predecessor of the highland gongs.

We do not exclude the hypothesis with which the Dongsonian attempted to hide and sell them at any price in the mountainous regions through the cultural and economic exchange with the highland people.

From the linguistic research in particular that of French researcher Michel Ferguson, a specialist of Austroasiatic languages, this suggests that the Viet-Mường were present at the east of the Anamitic cordillera and on banks of Eastern China Sea (Biển Đông) before the beginning of our era. For this researcher, the group Viet-Mường lived together not only with the Tày but also with the highland people (the Khamou, the Bahnar etc … ). because there is the importance of the Tày vocabulary in the Vietnamese language and the similarities of the Giao Chỉ feudal structure with those of current Thai (descendants of proto-Tày).

In addition, there is a borrowing stratum from one or several languages viet-mường in the Khamou vocabulary. According to the suggestion of this researcher, the Tang Ming kingdom could be the former habitat of Việt-Mường group. This confirms the hypothesis the Dongsoniqan could be the provider of gongs to the highland people through the barter because the latter do not manufacture itself these gongs, despite their sanctity.

Probably, this is due to the fact that, being slash-and-burn agriculturalists, they had not a metallurgical industry enabling them to mold these gongs. Up to today, they obtain them from the Kinh (or Vietnamese), Cambodians, Laotians, Thais etc .. before giving them to their musician with his keen hearing. This one manages to give to these gongs a remarkable set of harmonics in accordance with the themes devoted to villagers and tribes by hammering them with the hardwood mallets.

The adjustment of the gong sound is more important than the purchase because it must make the gong in harmony with the gongs of the orchestra and it is necessary to give it a soul, a particular tone. According to the Vietnamese musicologist Bùi Trọng Hiền, the process of collecting and tuning the gongs of different origins and making harmonious and consistent to their aesthetics in a set is a grandiose art. The gong must be sacred before its use by a ritual ceremony, which allow its body to possess now a soul.

Some ethnic groups bless the gongs with the blood in the same manner as jars, drums etc. . This is the case of the Mnong Gar identified for example by the French ethnologist Georges Condominas. The sanctity of gongs cannot leave indifferent the Vietnamese. To give to these gongs a significant scope, the Vietnamese have the habit of saying:

Lệnh ông không bằng cồng bà (The drum of Mister does not resonate less loud to the human ear than the gong of Madam). This also explains that the authority of Mr. is less important than that of Madam. 

More reading (Tiếp theo)

Central Highlands gongs (Cồng Chiêng Tây Nguyên)

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French version

First part

Since the dawn of time, the  gong culture  is the preferred approach used by the populations of the Central Highlands (Vietnam) living from agriculture in communication with the spirit world. According to their shamanistic and animist beliefs, the gong is a sacred instrument because it secretly houses a genius supposed to protect not only the owner but also his family, his clan and his village. Its âge not only improves its sound but also the power and  magical potency of the occupier genius. In addition, the gong will acquire a special patina over the years. This percussion instrument cannot be considered as an standard musical instrument. It is present at all the important occasions of the village. It is inseparable from the social life of highland tribes. The newborn baby is invited to listen the sound of the gong played by the elder village from the first month of his birth, which allows him to recognize the voice of his tribe and his clan. He become now an element of his ethnic community. Then he grows over years to the rhythm of gong sound which carries him away with the fermented rice alcohol (rượu cần) in the evening meetings around a jar and fire and in the village festivals (offerings, marriages, funeral, celebrations of the new years’s day or the victory, inauguration of the new housing, family reunion, agricultural ritual (paddy germination, ear initiation, feast of the agricultural close etc.). Finally, at his death, he is accompagnied by the rolling of the gongs to the burial with solemnity.

 

According to the Edê, a life without gong is a life without rice and salt. Each family must have at least a gong because this instrument proves not only its fortune but also with its authority and prestige in its ethnic community and its region. In function of each village, the set of instruments can be simply represented by two gongs but you can find sometimes up to 9, 12, 15 or 20 gongs. Each of these is called by a name that indicates its position in a hierarchy similar to that found in a matriarchal family. According to  French ethnomusicologist Patrick Kersale, the gongs reflect the image of the family structure with matrilineal inflection. For the Chu Ru, there are three gongs in a set. (Gong-mother, gong-aunt and gong-daughter). By contrast, for the Ê Đê Bih , the set of gongs consists of three pairs of gongs. The first pair is called under the name of gongs grand-mothers. And then the second pair is reserved for the gong-mothers and the last pair is for the gong-daughters.

In addition, there is a drum played by the oldest person to give the tempo. For peoples living in the south of the Highlands, there are also 6 gongs in a set but the gong-mother (chiền mẹ) remains the most important and is maintained slighty in the lower position compared with the other gongs. It is always accompanied by the gong-father followed then by the gong-children and gong-grandchildren. Due to their large size, the two gongs mother and father produce low sounds and nearly identical, which allows them to serve as a constituent basis to the orchestra.

In speculating about the provenance of gongs,we note  they are found not only in India but also in China and in the region of Southeast Asia. Despite their mention in the Chinese inscriptions around the year 500 after Jesus Christ (period of Đồng Sơn civilization), there is a tendency to attribute to the Southeast Asia region their origin because the gong  culture  embraces only the regions where live Austro-asiatic and Austronesian peoples. (Vietnam, Kampuchea, Thailand, Myanmar, Java, Bali, Mindanao (Philippines) etc …). According to some Vietnamese scholars, the gongs are linked closely to the the aquatic rice cultivation. For the Vietnamese researcher Trần Ngọc Thêm, the gongs are used to imitate the noise of thunder. They have a sacred role in the annual ceremonies of rain making rituals, with the aim of having a good harvest. In addition, we find in these gongs an intimate binding with the Đồng Sơn culture because the gongs were present visibly on some bronze drums (Ngọc Lữ for example). The gongs had to be considered a sacred instrument in  ritual celebrations so that they were honored by the Dongsonian on their drums. Among the Mường who are « close cousins » to the Vietnamese, one continues to associate the bonze drums (character Yang) with the gongs (character yin) which the Mường still regard as a stylized representation of the woman chest in religious festivals. These gongs are in some way the symbol of fertility. According to the Vietnamese musician Tô Vũ, the Mường forced back in the inaccessible mountainous regions, could continue to keep carefully these gongs against the Chinese conquerors. This is not the case of the Dongsonian (the ancestors of the Vietnamese) during the Chinese conquest led by the general Ma Yuan (or Mã Viện) of West Han dynasty after the sisters Trưng Trắc and Trưng Nhị revolt.   More reading (Tiếp theo)

 


Bibliographic references

  • Recherche de l’identité de la culture vietnamienne. Trần Ngọc Thêm, Editions Thế Giới,Hànôi 2008
  • Les Mnong des hauts-plateaux, Centre-Vietnam: Vie matérielle. Albert-Marie Maurice, Tome 1, Editeur L’Harmattan. 1993 Cồng chiêng Tây Nguyên. Di sản phi vật thể thế giơí. Trần Văn Khê. Vietsciences, 01/01/2006.
  • Vài nẻt đặc thù của cồng chiêng Tây Nguyên. Giáo Sư Trần Văn Khê. 2009
  • Người ÊĐê ở Việt Nam. The Ede in Vietnam. Editeur Thông Tấn 2010
  • La chanson de Damsan. Légende recueillie chez les Rhade de la province de Darlac. Texte et traduction. Louis Sabatier. BEFEO, 1933, Tome 33, n°33, pp: 143-302
  • Tranh luận về cồng chiêng Tây Nguyên. SGTT 2012
  • Sur l’origine géographique des langues Viet Muong. Michel Fergus, Môn Khmer Studies, 18-19: 52-59
  • Độc Đáo cồng chiêng Tây Nguyên. Bùi Trọng Hiền. Nguyễn Quang Vinh Tạp chí Ngày Nay. 28/02/2011
  • Gongs de tous les pouvoirs. DVD documentaire de Patrick Kersalé.2009

Le bouddhisme vietnamien (Phật Giáo Việt Nam)


English version

Version vietnamienne

On ne connait pas avec exactitude la date de l’introduction du bouddhisme au Vietnam. Selon l’érudit vietnamien Phan Lạc Tuyên, les bonzes indiens furent venus au Vietnam au début de l’ère chrétienne en se basant sur l’histoire du Chử ĐồngTử qui s’était initié au bouddhisme lors de sa rencontre avec un bonze indien. C’est aussi la période des Trois Royaumes (Tam Quốc) où le Vietnam fut une province chinoise de nom Jiaozhi (Giao Châu) sous la gouvernance de Shi Xie (Sĩ Nhiếp). Le Vietnam appartint à cette époque au royaume de Wu (Đông Ngô) dirigé par Sun Quian (Tôn Quyền) dont la mère, un disciple fervent a fait venir des moines de Luy Lâu à Jianye (capitale du royaume de Wu), appartenant à la ville actuelle de Nankin (Nam Kinh) pour leur demander de prêcher et commenter les sûtras du bouddhisme. 

Le centre bouddhique Luy Lâu devint si prestigieux et important qu’il ne tarda pas à faire venir beaucoup de bonzes indiens ou étrangers célèbres comme Ksudra (Khâu Đà Là), Mahajivaca  (Ma Ha Kỳ Vực), Kang-Sen-Houci (Khương Tăng Hội), Dan Tian (Đàm Thiên). Étant le bonze supérieur de la dynastie des Sui, ce dernier, lors de son retour en Chine, a eu l’occasion de rendre compte à l’empereur Sui Wendi (Tùy Văn Đế) de l’évolution du bouddhisme vietnamien: la province  Giao Châu a adopté le bouddhisme avant nous car outre la construction de 20 pagodes, elle a eu plus de 500 bonzes et 15 recueils de sûtras traduits.  Cela prouve indéniablement que le bouddhisme fut florissant à cette époque au Vietnam. Il est important de rappeler dans les annales chinoises, on a parlé du pillage de l’armée chinoise du général Lieou Fang (Lưu Phương) de la dynastie des Sui (nhà Tùy). Ce général  a dévasté  la capitale du Champa, Điển Xung (Kandapurpura)  sous le règne du roi Sambhuvarman (Phạm Phạn Chí en vietnamien) et a emporté avec lui 1350 textes bouddhiques rassemblés en 564 volumes. Le Champa favorisa très tôt l’implantation du bouddhisme car elle fut mentionnée  déjà par le moine célèbre Yijing (Nghĩa Tịnh) lors du retour de son voyage maritime dans l’Insulinde comme l’un des pays de l’Asie du Sud Est tenant en haute estime la doctrine du Bouddha à la fin du VIIème siècle sous le règne Wu Ze Tian ( Vũ Tắc Thiên ) de la dynastie des Tang (Nhà Đường).

Bien que le Vietnam fût le protectorat chinois (de -111 à -931), il était pourtant le véritable relais entre la Chine et l’Inde. L’implantation du bouddhisme fut très tôt dans ce pays  au début de l’ère chrétienne car le Vietnam est non seulement à  côté des pays  employant le sanskrit  des textes bouddhiques comme le Founan (Phù Nam) et le Champa mais aussi le point de passage obligatoire pour les commerçants indiens. Ceux-ci avaient besoin de se reposer, approvisionner la nourriture et échanger les marchandises  (soie, aromates, bois d’aigle, cannelle, poivre, ivoire etc…). L’Inde eut à cette époque des relations commerciales  établies d’une manière directe avec le Moyen Orient et indirecte avec les pays de la Méditerranée comme l’empire romain. Le bouddhisme mahayana connut son épanouissement en Inde avec les centres Amaravati et Nagarjunakonda dans la région côtière au sud-est de l’Inde (Andhra Pradesh). Cela incita les moines indiens  à accompagner  les navigateurs à longer les côtes de la Malaisie,  du Founan et du Vietnam avec l’intention de propager la foi. C’est pourquoi on peut  dire que le bouddhisme vietnamien vint directement de l’Inde avec  les moines indiens mais en aucun cas il  ne fut pas amené par les Chinois.

 

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Le bouddhisme vietnamien dont le courant est mahayaniste tient compte davantage du salut collectif que du salut individuel tandis que le bouddhisme theravada considère le salut comme le résultat des efforts accomplis par l’individu pour atteindre l’éveil et pour devenir un boddhisattva. Au commencement de son implantation, le bouddhisme ne rencontra aucune réticence de la part des Vietnamiens car il accepta facilement leur paganisme traditionnel. Il eut seulement quelques activités religieuses simples et modestes comme la vénération du Bouddha, les offrandes, les dons de miséricorde etc…Bouddha n’était autre que QuánThế Âm (Avalokitesvara) et Nhiên Ðăng (Dipankara) car ces personnages protégeaient les navigateurs durant le voyage en mer. Les premières légendes bouddhistes vietnamiennes Thích Quang Phật et Man Nương Phật Mẫu furent apparues aussi à cette époque avec l’arrivée du moine Ksudra alias Kalacarya ( le Maître Noir ) au Vietnam. C’est qu’à travers ces légendes que Man Nương, devint à sa mort l’objet de culte sous le nom « Bouddha Mère ou Phật Mẫu » des Vietnamiens. Ces légendes témoignent ainsi de la facilité d’agréger les croyances populaires au bouddhisme. De plus, cette religion importée de bonne heure fut sous l’influence indienne qui selon le chercheur Hà VănTấn, dura jusqu’au Vème siècle. Le gouverneur chinois Sĩ Nhiếp (177-266) fut  accompagné souvent en ville par des religieux venant de l’Inde (người Hồ) ou de l’Asie Centrale (Trung Á) à chaque sortie. Le nombre de moines étrangers fut si important que Giao Châu devint en quelques années plus tard le centre de traduction des sutras parmi lesquels figurait le fameux sutra Saddharmasamadhi (Pháp Hoa Tam Muội) traduit par le moine Chi Cương Lương Tiếp (Kalasivi) dans le courant du IIIème  siècle.Il est aussi important de noter que dans une courte période de six ans (542-547), le roi Lý Nam Đế (Lý Bí) de la dynastie des Lý antérieurs réussît à libérer le Vietnam de la domination chinoise et ordonna la construction de la pagode Khai Quốc (Fondation de la Nation) qui devient aujourd’hui la pagode célèbre Trấn Quốc à Hànội. Selon le moine zen Thích Nhất Hạnh, on a été porté à croire par erreur dans le passé que le moine indien Vinitaruci introdusit le bouddhisme dhyana vietnamien (Thiền) à la fin du VIème siècle. Lors de son passage à Luy Lâu en l’an 580, il résida dans le monastère Pháp Vân appartenant à l’école dhyana. C’est aussi à cette époque que le moine dhyana Quán Duyên était en train d’y enseigner le dhyana. D’autres moines vietnamiens furent allés en Chine pour enseigner le dhyana avant l’arrivée du fameux moine Bodhidharma reconnu comme le patriarche de l’école dhyana chinoise et le patriarche du Kungfu. Désormais, on sait que c’est au moine Kang-Sen-Houci d’origine sogdiane (Khương Tăng Hội) à la place de Vinitaruci (Ti Ni Lưu Đà Chi) le mérite d’introduire le bouddhisme dhyana au Vietnam. 

Le bouddhisme vietnamien commença à connaître son essor et son âge d’or lorsque le Vietnam  réussît à retrouver l’indépendance avec le général Ngô Quyền. Sous les dynasties Đinh, Lê antérieur, Lý et Trần, le bouddhisme fut reconnu comme la religion d’état.

[Le bousddhisme sous les dynasties Đinh, Tiền Lê, Lý et Trần]

 

Les mudras du Bouddha (Thủ Ấn)

English version
Vietnamese version

Les gestes symboliques du Bouddha icone_lotus

 

En fonction du pays de fabrication de la statue du Bouddha, l’artiste peut la représenter d’une manière différente. Par contre, il y a toujours certains caractères rituels immuables qu’il doit respecter scrupuleusement dans la statuaire bouddhique. C’est le cas du port et des gestes des mains du Bouddha (mudras). Etant en nombre limité, ceux-ci, complétés par la posture du corps (asana), permettent aux fidèles de tirer bénéfice de l’enseignement et de la philosophie du bouddhisme. On a l’habitude d’associer ces gestes symboliques aux différents épisodes de la vie du Bouddha (méditation sous l’arbre de Bodhi, prise de la terre à témoin, premier prédicat à Sarnath etc.).

Au lieu des textes bouddhiques auxquels peu de gens du peuple ont accès, ces mudras dans les représentations iconographiques du Bouddha sont de véritables outils de transmission religieuse. L’image est plus parlante car elle est basée sur des gestes simples et lisibles par tous à la place des textes bouddhiques parfois incompréhensibles. Conçues au départ par les yogis et les prêtres de l’époque védique en Inde, les mudras seront reprises et interprétées selon les sectes de Mahâyâna pour devenir au fil du temps l’une des techniques de représentation très codifiée. Elles constituent ainsi un langage extrêmement puissant car à travers un certain nombre de signes et de symboles, cela permet d’identifier le personnage sacré, de définir son rang et d’évoquer ses qualités.

mudras

Thủ Ấn

C’est le cas des divinités du panthéon bouddhique (Bodhisattvas, Amithâba etc..). C’est ce qu’on retrouve aussi dans de multiples pratiques à caractère religieux (danses, rites, méditations etc.) sans oublier de rappeler ce qu’on a vu aussi dans l’iconographie chrétienne avec ses saints placés à l’entrée des cathédrales du Moyen âge. Quelques mudras importantes sont fréquemment rencontrées dans l’iconographie bouddhique.

Abhaya mudra 

Mudra d’absence de la peur

 

(Ấn xúc địa) (Bhumisparsa Mudra)

Prise de la terre à témoin avec sa main droite.

C’est la Bhumiparsha-mudra. Dans ce geste, on voit que sa main droite est soulevée au dessus de son genou droit tandis que sa main gauche est posée en face de son ventre dans la position du lotus. Il prit la terre à témoin et appela la déesse de la terre Torani à sa rescousse. Pour tuer les hordes du Mal représenté par Mara, cette divinité fit déferler les flots en dénouant ses cheveux. Cette mudra annonce l’imminence de l’éveil. Au sortir de cette méditation, il annoncera les quatre nobles vérités (Tứ Diệu Đế): Dukka (souffrance), Samudaya (soif insatiable), Nirohda (extinction de la souffrance) et Marga Sacca (Voie du Bouddha vers l’extinction) pour atteindre le nirvana (libération finale).

Mudra de la méditation ( Ấn thiền )

Le Bouddha est assis avec les deux mains posées, paumes retournées sur ses jambes croisées en lotus. C’est la mudra de méditation qu’on retrouve souvent dans l’école zen. C’est la période de méditation du Bouddha sous l’arbre de l’éveil (bodhi) à Bihar.

 

Mudra de la charité  (Varada mudra)

Mudra d’argumentation et de l’enseignement (Ấn giáo hóa)

Assis en position de lotus, le Bouddha maintient sa main droite à la hauteur de son épaule, paume à l’extérieur, le pouce et l’index se touchant et les autres doigts étant relevés. Cette posture correspond bien à la discussion et à l’argumentation.

 

Le fleuron de la nation vietnamienne

noithanh

English version

Le fleuron Huế de la nation vietnamienne.

L‘ avant-poste d’un royaume indépendant dénommé  Champa, redevint vietnamien après le mariage de la princesse Trần Huyền Trân et du roi cham Jaya Simhavarman III en 1306 et fut  renommé  Huế.  Cette ville  fit désormais partie de la division administrative de Thuận Hoá.

La  déformation phonétique du mot  Hoá lui donna le nom populaire de Huế dès le XVème siècle. Huế devint alors le point d’appui de l’expansion territoriale vers le Sud et depuis 1801, lors de l’unification du pays par l’empereur Gia Long, la capitale de la dynastie des Nguyễn.

C’est ainsi qu’on trouve, au fil des années, la contribution du fleuron Huế au trésor de l’art vietnamien à travers ses palais et ses mausolées impériaux.

Galerie des photos

Version anglaise

After the marriage of Trần Huyền Trân princess and Jaya Simhavarman III king  in 1306, the  outpost of  an independent  kingdom named Champa becames vietnamese  and was renamed Huế. This town was henceforth  part of the administrative   division of  Thuận  Hóa.  The phonetic deformity of the word Hóa gave it the popular name Huế since 15th century.  Huế thus becames the fulcrum for the territorial expansion towards the South and since 1801, the capital of Nguyễn dynasty when Gia Long emperor has unified the country. Over the years, one finds  the contribution of Huế to the treasure of Vietnamese art through its palaces and mausoleums.